U radu se prikazuje razvoj kaznene politike u Engleskoj i Walesu, kao posebnoj kaznenopolitičkoj jedinici unutar Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. Koristi se politologijski koncept transfera javnih politika koji opisuje mehanizme prijenosa javnih politika između različitih političkih sustava. Rad nastoji pokazati kako se reforme kaznene politike devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu mogu u određenoj mjeri objasniti kao slučaj ideologijski motiviranog uvoza kaznene politike iz SAD-a. Analizom slučaja nastoji se ukazati na širu pojavu putovanja različitih kaznenih tehnologija, retoričkih obrazaca i javnopolitičkih rješenja koja obilježavaju suvremeno stvaranje kaznene politike – važnu s obzirom na i dalje postojeće ambicije harmonizacije javnih politika u okvirima europskih integracija. ; This paper presents the development of penal policy in England and Wales, as a distinct unit of penal policy making within the United Kingdom. The paper uses the political science concept of policy transfer that describes the mechanisms of transmission of policy between different political systems. The work aims to show how the penal policy reforms of the 1990s in the United Kingdom can be explained as a case of ideologically motivated import of penal policy from the United States. Within the framework of a case study, the aim is to point to a general phenomenon of the traveling of various penal technologies, rhetorical patterns and policy solutions that characterize modern penal policy making. This is relevant given the still existing ambition of policy harmonization within the framework of European integrations.
In this paper the author uses the analysis of a concrete case -- the introduction of political education into England's school system -- to describe the scientific, professional & political debates surrounding the status of school political education in schools in democratic states. Based on this analysis he concludes that England's case unmistakably proves that the proposals regarding the introduction of the new political education syllabuses, regardless of their quality, will invariably fail unless there is a strong political will i.e. the resolve of the political elites to accept & implement them. He also concludes that in today's democratic states there is some sort of a consensus on the necessity of the existence of this segment of education as an essential component of school systems. The consensus is based on the understanding that the future of democratic political systems to a large extent depends on the existence of citizens who possess the knowledge, attitudes & capabilities necessary for their informed & responsible inclusion in the process of political decision-making. The author thinks that the analysis embarked on in this paper might serve as an incentive for the actualization of the debate on the present status, scope, models & contents of political education in Croatian schools. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
The author criticizes the universalism of democracy as a world model. He argues that WWI has been insufficiently explored from the perspective of the clash of two democratic concepts. The outcome of that war heralded the long-term victory of the Franco-American universalist concept of democracy over the traditional British concept of democracy. This has greatly influenced the political & philosophical understanding of democracy as the universalist elements of democratic constitutions have prevailed, while awareness of the historically evolved institutions of democracy has been suppressed. The author shows that the emergence of fundamental rights had nothing to do with their universalist natural-law version, since in England & Germany, there were pre-forms rooted in the specific legal traditions of those countries or regions. Since the creation of a world democratic state is not feasible, there is no genuine significance of the universalist democracy. In his conclusion, the author promotes the acceptance of the traditional concept of democracy modeled after British democracy, which would strengthen the UN & international law. This would be particularly important in today's circumstances & conducive to the acknowledgment of various traditions &, consequently, to a variety of systems of government. Adapted from the source document.
ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance is a web exhibition of atlases from the Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences of the University of Bristol (http://uobatlases.net/). It includes atlases produced between 1570 to approximately 1970.The exhibition consists of four thematic parts. Renaissance Theatres contains famous and les famous atlases produced between the end of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century, such as atlases by Ortelius (1574), Camden (1610), Speed (1611) and four atlas tomes by Blaeu (1645). Rhetoric of Truth contains geological and archaeological atlases from the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. However, Rhetoric of Truth is not only limited to renaissance, but it also encompasses first computer generated atlases, e.g. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) and others. The Colonial Gaze focuses on atlases applied in colonial projects and land exploitation in Africa and the Caribbean Islands, as well as in circulation of race theories in Europe and North America at the end of the 19th century. The last part, National Identities and Conflict explores the role of atlas as a powerful instrument for visualizing conflicts and shaping territorial-political ideas in the 20th century. ; ATLASES: Poetics, Politics, and Performance je izložba na mreži atlasa iz Specijalne zbirke i Škole geografskih znanosti (Special Collections and School of Geographical Sciences) Sveučilišta u Bristolu (http://uobatlases.net/). Uključeni su atlasi od 1570. do približno 1970. godine.Izložba obuhvaća četiri tematske cjeline. Renaissance Theatres sadrži slavne i manje poznate atlase od kraja 16. do sredine 17. stoljeća., među ostalim, Orteliusov atlas iz 1574., Camdenov iz 1610., Speedov iz 1611. i četiri toma Blaeuova atlasa iz 1645. Rhetoric of Truth sadrži geološke i arheološke atlase iz 18. i početka 19. stoljeća. Međutim, cjelina Rhetoric of Truth nije ograničena samo na stoljeća prosvjetiteljstva već prožima i prve računalno generirane atlase poput npr. Atlas of Breeding Birds in England and Ireland (1976) i neke druge. Treća cjelina The Colonial Gaze fokusirana je na atlase koji su primjenjivani u provedbi kolonijalnih projekata i eksploataciji zemljišta u Africi i na Karibima, ali i cirkulaciji rasnih teorija krajem 19. stoljeća u Europi i Sjevernoj Americi. Posljednji dio National Identities and Conflict istražuje ulogu atlasa kao moćnog instrumenta za vizualizaciju sukoba i oblikovanje teritorijalno-političkih ideja u 20. stoljeću.
In Hobbes' Theory of Authorization I it was shown how Hobbes, by means of his theory of authorization, managed to resolve the difficult points which, in the previous formulations of his science of politics, weighed on the issue of creation of the state conceived as a doubly impersonal apparatus relying on the representative relation between the sovereign & the subjects. In this text the author re-examines both the approach & the conclusion of his research through critical inquiry into Quentin Skinner's & Hanna Pitkin's interpretations of Hobbes' understanding of representation. In his recent works, Skinner attempted to demonstrate that it had to be interpreted, above all, as an instrument in the ideological conflict between the republicans & the monarchists in England in Hobbes' time. Hanna Pitkin, in turn, brought into question the representative character of sovereign power. As opposed to both of them, the author expounds the thesis that, in order to be understood properly, the theory of authorization must be examined within the more comprehensive framework of Hobbes' science of politics & thus brought in connection with other important elements of its problem-matter, such as the right to punish, the relation between the sovereign's rights & the subjects' freedom, & the duties of the sovereign. By interpreting the theory of authorization primarily as part of a system which is conditioned by & co-formative of the logic of the study as a whole, this text strives to show that the authorization-based relation between the sovereign & the subjects, in spite of the fact that one-sided authorization on the part of the subjects established a sovereign who has no legal obligations to them, is indeed determined by the logic of representation. Adapted from the source document.
The text problematizes Hobbes's relation towards republicanism. This is carried out in three stages. The first stage shows the form in which republican ideas were present in English political thought in the first half of the 17th century. It turns out that, prior to the publication of Leviathan in 1651, there was no coherent anti-monarchic republican theory in England. Still, English political thought was familiar with its individual elements and those elements had a major influence on the course of the constitutional crisis and the civil war itself. The second stage provides an analysis of Hobbes's criticism of two republican ideas which he deems particularly fatal to the survival of the state. The first idea is the ideal of mixed government, which Hobbes rejects as incompatible with the fundamental condition of state preservation, namely indivisible sovereign power. Thereafter, relying on Skinner's analysis, the author outlines Hobbes's criticism of the republican conception of liberty, which is at the core of the attack on monarchy as a form of state incompatible with the liberty of citizens. In contrast to such a perception, Hobbes constructs a completely novel definition of liberty, which enables him to show that the liberty of citizens is equal in democracy, aristocracy and monarchy. Finally, the third stage inquires into the implications of Hobbes's criticism of republicanism with regard to the conceptual field of his mature theory of the state. Emphasis is put on the assertion that this criticism does not also imply a rejection of democracy as a form of state. Indeed, the analysis shows that, within the framework of Hobbes's theory of the state, criticism of republicanism, perceived as vindication of the state, is prerequisite to the existence of democracy itself. Adapted from the source document.
Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.
Članak prikazuje recentne studije o novcu kao pravnom fenomenu, putem čijeg kreiranja različiti "stakeholderi" uređuju raspodjelu resursa i odnose između pojedinih dijelova društva. U ovoj koncepciji novac formira tržište, a ne obratno. Na primjeru "slobodnog kovanja" karakterističnog za Englesku od 12. do 14. stoljeća analizira se dilema nominalizam – metalizam, te tri ograničenja robnog novca u kojima se očituje Greshamov zakon, odnosno kontroverza likvidnosti. U članku se ne analizira na koje proturječnosti nailazi nominalistička politika novca. Pokazuje se da se ni u suvremenoj koncepciji robnog novca, eksplicitnoj u Hayekovoj studiji The Denationalization of Money, zbog proturječja likvidnosti ne može – u kreiranju i održanju novčanog sustava – izbjeći uloga društvenih, izvantržišnih faktora, uz ostalo i prava. Kako mnogi autori zaključuju da je i zajednička europska valuta koncipirana po uzoru na zlatni standard (robni novac), slijedi da i uspjeh njezina dizajna i funkcioniranja ne može biti prepušten samo tržišnom mehanizmu, nego ovisi o društvenoj, političkoj i pravnoj potpori. ; The paper describes money as a legal phenomenon, which means that stakeholders use money to allocate resources and manage social relations. In this understanding money creates markets and not vice versa. The system of money creation called free minting, which was common in England from the 12th to the 14th century, is described. Three constraints of commodity money are explained and the nominalism – metalism dilemma is analysed. The focus of the analysis is on Gresham's law and the problem of liquidity of commodity money. The similarity between medieval commodity money and a modern concept of commodity money in the book The Denationalization of Money by Friedrich von Hayek is shown. The conclusion is that the market mechanism cannot solve the problem of liquidity without social agents not included in the market exchange. Since the common European currency is to some degree similar to the gold standard, the same conclusion works for the euro.
Kroz prikaz povijesti plemićke obitelji Adamović Čepinski tekst pridonosi poznavanju kulturne, gospodarske i političke povijesti prostora današnje Hrvatske, ali i Slovenije, Srbije, Austrije te Bosne i Hercegovine. Adamovići su početkom 18. stoljeća upravljali Valpovačkim vlastelinstvom, a potom u Slavoniji i Podunavlju posjedovali imanja Čepin, Tenje, Aljmaš, Erdut, Bačko Novo Selo. S vremenom se obitelj podijelila na čepinsku i tenjsku granu. U tekstu se donose manje poznati podatci iz povijesti tenjske grane obitelji Adamović, koja je od sredine 19. stoljeća posjedovala imanje sa sjedištem u Velenju (Slovenija), a obiteljskim vezama bila u bliskim odnosima s brojnim plemićkim obiteljima Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. Uz sintezu dosadašnjih publiciranih istraživanja, rad se temelji na informacijama i arhivskom gradivu nasljednika ove obitelji koji su i danas povezani s Hrvatskom. ; The noble family of Adamović Čepinski was from the 18th century in possession of the Čepin, Tenje, Aljmaš and Erdut estates in Slavonia and Podunavlje as well as of some estates in Bačka; over the course of time, it split into the Čepin and Tenje factions. This text provides less known and yet unexplored data on the history of the Tenje family faction which from the 19th century owned an estate that had its seat in Velenje (Slovenia). They left significant traces in economic, cultural and political life and constituted a connection between present-day eastern Croatia and Slovenia at the time when these areas belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, i.e. to the same constitutional and cultural circle. Although they sold the Tenje estate in the late 19th century, they remained connected to the estates in Erdut, Bačko Novo Selo and Ostrožac; after they sold Velenje, they continued to live there up until World War II. They strengthened their social position additionally through marital ties between notable families the relations of which reached to the Viennese Court, the Russian Imperial Court and the Court of Victorian England. A significant family bond was created with the politician and landlord Ervin Cseh de Szent-Katolna, the grand prefect of the Syrmia County. His stepson Ivan Albrecht Baron Adamović of Čepin was also prefect of the Syrmia and subsequently the Virovitica County. After World War II the family was deprived of all its estates in then Yugoslavia; however, after decades in exile the heirs were able to reclaim their estates in Croatia in part.
Jedna od najznačajnijih obitelji hrvatsko-ugarske povijesti jest porodica Gorjanski (Garai). Podrijetlom je iz nekadašnjega sela Dorozsme, koje se danas nalazi u sastavu Szegeda, trećega po veličini mađarskoga grada. Selo je ime dobilo po rodu Drušini(Drušbi) iz kojega potječu Gorjanski. Utemeljitelj obitelji je Ivan Gorjanski koji je 1269. od hercega Bele dobio grad i utvrdu Gorjani (Gara) u tadašnjoj Vukovskoj županiji. Gorjanski su tijekom dva stoljeća zauzimali visoke državne položaje u Hrvatskoj i Ugarskoj te su uz Karla Khuen-Hedervaryja (bio je predsjednik središnje vlade u Budimpešti 1903. i 1910.–1912. godine te hrvatski ban od 1883. do 1903.) bili najviše pozicionirani državnici iz Hrvatske. Naime, oni su u tri uzastopna naraštaja nosili najviši dvorski naslov palatina (1375.-1385., 1402.–1433., 1447.–1458.), a i u njihovoj drugoj, tzv. "banskoj" lozi imali su važnu ulogu kao hrvatski i slavonski, odnosno mačvanski banovi. Najvažniju ulogu u obitelji imao je Nikola Gorjanski mlađi, šurjak i najbliži suradnik kralja Sigismunda (Žigmunda) Luksemburgovca, koji je bio kraljev zamjenik za njegovih čestih izbivanja iz zemlje, a obavljao je i najdelikatnije diplomatske zadaće u Njemačkoj, Francuskoj i Engleskoj. Za to je nagrađen ne samo golemim posjedima, nego i Redom zmaja i Redom rupca. ; One of the most notable families in Croatian-Hungarian history is the Gorjanski (Garai) family. The family hails from Dorozsma village of old, which is part of present-day Szeged, the third largest city in Hungary. The village was named after the clan of Drušina (Drušba), from which the Gorjanski family draws its lineage. The progenitor of the family was Ivan Gorjanski, who received the Gorjani (Gara) town and fortress in the Vukovska County from Duke Bela in 1269. For two centuries members of the Gorjanski family held high level court positions in Croatia and Hungary and were, along with Karoly Khuen-Héderváry (the president of the central government in Budapest in 1903 and 1910-1912 and the Croatian ban from 1883 to 1903), the most notable political figures from Croatia. Namely, they held the highest court title of palatine (1375 – 1385, 1402 – 1433, 1447 – 1458) throughout three successive generations, while their other so-called "banal/Bánfi" branch also had an important role as Croatian and Slavonian bans, as well as bans of Macsó. The most significant figure of the family was Nikola Gorjanski Junior, brother-in-law and closest associate of King Sigismund of Luxembourg, who stood in for the King during his frequent travels. He also performed the most delicate diplomatic duties in Germany, France and England, for which he was rewarded not only with huge estates, but also the Order of the Dragon and Order of the Scarf.
Biografija Bartolomea Zabarelle slična je biografijama mnogih njegovih vršnjaka iz uglednih padovanskih obitelji. Kao nećak utjecajnoga kardinala i uglednoga profesora na drugome najstarijemu talijanskom Sveučilištu, od rane je mladosti uključen u važna društvena i politička događanja svoga rodnoga grada. Nakon završenoga studija prava, poput mnogih svojih vršnjaka pripremao se za crkvenu karijeru. Poticaji za odlazak u Rim došli su pred kraj pontifikata pape Martina V., iz rimske plemićke obitelji Colonna. Međutim, vrhunac karijere dostigao je obavljajući razne kurijalne službe tijekom pontifikata Eugena IV., Mlečanina Gabriela Condulmera. Novopronađeni i neobjavljeni izvori iz nekoliko serija registara Vatikanskoga tajnog arhiva, međusobno isprepleteni s objavljenim dokumentima iz padovanskoga kruga, osvjetljavaju neke ključne trenutke ove uspješne kurijalne karijere između Rima i Firence, a ukazuju i na rijetke i sporadične veze sa Splitom. ; Biography of Bartholomeo Zabarella (1400-1445) is similar to the biographies of many young men, offsprings of influential Paduan families in the early decades of the fifteenth century. He was a nephew to Francesco Zabarella, one of the most famous professors of canon law at the University of Padua, well trained diplomat in the service of the Carrara family, and the cardinal of the Holy See. His career path was therefore well programmed: with the doctor in utroque degree he embraced the ecclesiastical career within the Curia of Martin V (Colonna) and Eugenius IV (Condulmer). Starting from the office of apostolic protonotary in 1418, in the late twenties, at the age of 28, he was appointed archbishop of Split. However, he continued to reside in the Roman residence of the Patriarch of Constantinople and pope Gregory XII, Angelo Correr. By the end of 1432 he was assumed to the college of referendarii utriusque signaturae, and on 21 June 1434 he became auditor litterarum contradictarum which made him work in close contact with the cardinals Francesco Condulmer and Giordano Orsini, patriarch of Grado Biagio Molino, bishop of Cervia/Rimini Cristoforo Marcello, bishop of Concordia Daniele Scoti, bishop of Poreč and Trogir Angelo Cavazza, and the pope himself, both in Rome and in Florence during the 1430s. In the course of his busy curial career he witnessed important historical events such as the consecration of the Florentine cathedral Santa Maria del Fiore on 25 March 1436, or the Union of Latin and Greek Churches on 6 July 1439 in Florence. Bartholomeo's fidelity to the pope in the most difficult period of his pontificate, was rewarded with the appointment to the archbishopric of Florence at the end of 1439, followed by that of apostolic legate to France and England. Both of these offices would have led him to the cardinalate, had he not died in Sutri on 13 August 1445. He certainly showed considerable ability as he shrewdly balanced within two important, complex and complicated networks that animated his affairs. One was the University of Padua, led by teachers and students: a degree in canon and both laws could launch them to the successful Curial career. The other network was Roman Curia, delineated by the relationships internal to the Church hierarcy and personal favouritism.
U članku »The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe«, objavljenom 2013. u časopisu Journal of Civil Society, Mary Kaldor i Sabine Selchow pokušale su otkriti specifične značajke pobuna koje su se javila nakon 2010. godine u europskim zemljama poput Njemačke, Španjolske, Italije, Engleske itd. Prema autoricama, način organiziranja koji čini glavno tijelo ovih emancipatornih pokreta preuzima svoju osnovnu logiku iz svijeta Interneta. Analogija s Internetom zahtijeva ponovnu evaluaciju negativnih komentara o tehnici iz filozofske perspektive. Martin Heidegger i Herbert Marcuse najutjecajniji su filozofi 20. stoljeća koji su se bavili negativnim aspektima tehnike. Heidegger je prikazao destruktivne učinke znanstvene racionalnosti i tehnike na zapadnu kulturu kroz kritiku tradicionalne zapadne metafizike na fenomenološ- ko-ontološkoj razini, dok je Marcuse, kao predstavnik zapadnoga marksizma, oblikovao svoju kritiku tehnike u kontekstu pojma instrumentalne racionalnosti te kritike razvijenog industrijskog društva i kapitalizma. Iako su polazišne točke njihovih pogleda na tehniku, kao i osnovne svrhe kritike tehnike, različite, može se reći da obojica imaju poprilično negativno i gotovo u potpunosti pesimističko shvaćanje tehnologije. U tom će se kontekstu razmotriti Heideggerova i Marcuseova kritika tehnike kao i razlike i sličnosti između tih dvaju pristupa. Zaključno će rad naglasiti mogućnost pozitivne uloge tehnike, koja može služiti kao alternativa negativnoj perspektivi osvjetljavajući odnos između nedavnih pobuna i interneta. ; In the paper "The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe", which was published in 2013 in the Journal of Civil Society, mary Kaldor and Sabine Selchow attempted to reveal the specific qualities of the uprisings which emerged after the year 2010 in some European countries, such as Germany, Spain, Italy, England etc. According to the authors, the mode of organization which forms the main body of these emancipatory movements obtains its basic logic from the world of the Internet. The use of the Internet requires a re-evaluation of negative philosophical commentary regarding technology. In the context of the twentieth century philosophy, martin Heidegger and Herbert marcuse are the most influential philosophers who studied on the negative aspects of technology. Heidegger portrayed the destructive effects of scientific reasoning and technology on the Western culture through the criticism of the traditional Western metaphysics on a phenomenological-ontological level. marcuse, belonging to the tradition of Western marxism, formed his critique of technology in the context of the concept of instrumental rationality and the critique of advanced industrial society and capitalism. Although the starting points of their perspectives on technology and the underlying purposes of their critiques of technology were different, it may be asserted that both have a rather negative and almost entirely pessimistic disposition towards technology. Heidegger's and marcuse's criticisms of technology will be discussed in this context and the differences and similarities between these criticisms will be shown. Finally, the paper will emphasise the question of the possibility of a positive role of technology. Technology can serve as an alternative to negative uses by shedding light on the relation between the current uprisings and the Internet. ; Dans l'article « The "Bubbling Up" of Suberranean Politics in Europe » publié en 2013 dans Journal of Civil Society, mary Kaldor et Sabine Selchow tentent de mettre en lumière les caractéristiques spécifiques des révoltes qui ont fait jour après 2010 dans certains pays européens – Allemagne, Espagne, Italie, Angleterre, etc. Selon nos auteures, le mode d'organisation qui a formé le corps essentiel de ces mouvements émancipatoires tire sa logique de base du monde de l'internet. Cette analogie avec l'internet requiert une réévaluation, à partir d'un point de vue philosophique, des commentaires négatifs sur la technologie. martin Heidegger et Herbert marcuse sont les philosophes les plus influents ayant travaillé sur les aspects négatifs de la technologie au sein de la philosophie du XXe siècle. Heidegger a dépeint les effets destructeurs de la raison scientifique et de la technologie de notre culture occidentale à travers son criticisme de la métaphysique traditionnelle occidentale à un niveau phénoménologico-ontologique, tandis que marcuse, membre du « communisme occidentale », a formé une critique de la technologie au sein du concept de rationalité instrumentale et une critique de la société industrielle avancée et du capitalisme. Bien que le point de départ de leur perspective sur la technologie et que le but sous-jacent de leur critique diffèrent, il est possible d'affirmer que leur point commun est d'avoir posé un regard négatif et presque entièrement pessimiste sur la technologie. À cet égard, le criticisme d'Heidegger et de marcuse vont être abordés afin d'en soulever les diffé- rences et les similarités. Enfin, cet article mettra l'accent sur la possibilité d'un rôle positif de la technologie qui pourrait servir d'alternative aux perspectives négatives en faisant la lumière sur le lien entre les révoltes actuelles et l'internet. ; In dem Artikel "The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe", veröffentlicht im Jahre 2013 im Journal of Civil Society, versuchten mary Kaldor und Sabine Selchow die spezifischen Qualitäten der Aufstände zum Ausdruck zu bringen, die nach 2010 in den europäischen Ländern ausbrachen – Deutschland, Spanien, Italien, England usw. Nach Ansicht der Autoren erhält der modus der Organisation, der den Hauptkörper dieser emanzipatorischen Bewegungen bildet, seine grundlegende Logik aus der Welt des Internets. Die Analogie mit dem Internet erfordert eine Neubewertung der negativen Kommentare über die Technologie aus philosophischer Perspektive. martin Heidegger und Herbert marcuse sind die einflussreichsten Philosophen, die sich mit den negativen Aspekten der Technologie in der Philosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts befasst haben. Heidegger schilderte die zerstörerischen Auswirkungen der wissenschaftlichen Vernunft und Technologie auf die westliche Kultur durch die Kritik an der traditionellen abendländischen metaphysik auf der phänomenologisch-ontologischen Ebene, während marcuse, ein mitglied des westlichen marxismus, seine Kritik an der Technologie im Rahmen des Konzepts der instrumentellen Rationalität und der Kritik der fortgeschrittenen Industriegesellschaft und Kapitalismus geformt hat. Obgleich die Ansatzpunkte ihrer Perspektiven über die Technologie und die zugrunde liegenden Zwecke ihrer Kritik an der Technologie unterschiedlich waren, kann behauptet werden, dass beide eine eher negative und fast völlig pessimistische Einstellung zur Technologie hatten. In diesem Zusammenhang werden Heideggers und marcuses Kritiken an der Technologie diskutiert sowie Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten zwischen den beiden Kritiken aufgezeigt. Abschließend unterstreicht das Paper die Frage nach der möglichkeit einer positiven Rolle für die Technologie, die als Alternative zur negativen Perspektive dienen kann, indem sie Licht in das Verhältnis zwischen aktuellen Aufständen und Internet bringt.