Suchergebnisse

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Lately the number of disabled students in Lithuania has increased. Although the accessibility of higher education is stated in national legislation, disabled students still encounter problems such as physical inaccessibility of their environment, a lack of adapted training and educational materials (literature in braille, audio books, etc.), living conditions (e.g. in dormitories) not adapted to their specific needs, a need of assistants and a negative attitude of members of the academic community. England has been working on this domain for several decades. The number of disabled students in higher education institutions in the England is relatively high. Moreover, a system of disabled students special needs facilities has been created. The goal of this survey is to compare the attitude of experts in England and Lithuania towards higher education accessibility for disabled students in their countries. To reach this goal, qualitative research was implemented. Four experts from England and Lithuania – disabled students and tutors – were interviewed. The survey revealed that the biggest problems disabled students are facing in England is a negative attitude from some members of teaching staff, while in Lithuania they are facing inaccessibility of their physical environment. Higher education institutions both in England and Lithuania are taking care of disabled students. The main difference is that in England a disabled students representation system has been developped, acknowledged on a state level. In Lithuania the institutional responsibility is definable by the institutions themself, meaning that higher education institutions have to take care of disabled students and it is being understood within the frame of physical accessibility. When talking about the attitude shift towards disabled students, there can be found similarities between England and Lithuania in existence of prejudices from administration of higher education institutions and support from course friends. Likewise, the main attitude differences could be revealed by mentioning that in England there is a practice of disability aspects inclusion in the teaching process, whereas in Lithuania shifting attitude tendencies towards disabled people are still being discussed. Both in England and Lithuania, the most important aspect to seek higher education lies within the student. The main difference is the motivation to enter higher education: in England disabled students are entering because of a wish to get skills and self-confidence, in Lithuania they enter higher education seeking for independence and a sense of security.

Lately the number of disabled students in Lithuania has increased. Although the accessibility of higher education is stated in national legislation, disabled students still encounter problems such as physical inaccessibility of their environment, a lack of adapted training and educational materials (literature in braille, audio books, etc.), living conditions (e.g. in dormitories) not adapted to their specific needs, a need of assistants and a negative attitude of members of the academic community. England has been working on this domain for several decades. The number of disabled students in higher education institutions in the England is relatively high. Moreover, a system of disabled students special needs facilities has been created. The goal of this survey is to compare the attitude of experts in England and Lithuania towards higher education accessibility for disabled students in their countries. To reach this goal, qualitative research was implemented. Four experts from England and Lithuania – disabled students and tutors – were interviewed. The survey revealed that the biggest problems disabled students are facing in England is a negative attitude from some members of teaching staff, while in Lithuania they are facing inaccessibility of their physical environment. Higher education institutions both in England and Lithuania are taking care of disabled students. The main difference is that in England a disabled students representation system has been developped, acknowledged on a state level. In Lithuania the institutional responsibility is definable by the institutions themself, meaning that higher education institutions have to take care of disabled students and it is being understood within the frame of physical accessibility. When talking about the attitude shift towards disabled students, there can be found similarities between England and Lithuania in existence of prejudices from administration of higher education institutions and support from course friends. Likewise, the main attitude differences could be revealed by mentioning that in England there is a practice of disability aspects inclusion in the teaching process, whereas in Lithuania shifting attitude tendencies towards disabled people are still being discussed. Both in England and Lithuania, the most important aspect to seek higher education lies within the student. The main difference is the motivation to enter higher education: in England disabled students are entering because of a wish to get skills and self-confidence, in Lithuania they enter higher education seeking for independence and a sense of security.

Secret marriages and cases that reached the Church courts show that there was a social tension in the society, as marriage was also a social fact affected by family, financial and feudal aspects. Therefore, in reality, the choice by people, especially by women, was not free. In real life, marriages were still formed for economic, social, even military reasons. Marriage consent rules developed into an entire section of the contract law, they were not only the foundation of the contemporary matrimonial law, but also produced certain fundamental elements of the contract law, namely the notion of free will and related notions of an error, coercion and deceit. The Christian matrimonial law that was formed in the Middle Ages existed in the Western Europe until the Reformation in the 16th century, in England even longer.

Secret marriages and cases that reached the Church courts show that there was a social tension in the society, as marriage was also a social fact affected by family, financial and feudal aspects. Therefore, in reality, the choice by people, especially by women, was not free. In real life, marriages were still formed for economic, social, even military reasons. Marriage consent rules developed into an entire section of the contract law, they were not only the foundation of the contemporary matrimonial law, but also produced certain fundamental elements of the contract law, namely the notion of free will and related notions of an error, coercion and deceit. The Christian matrimonial law that was formed in the Middle Ages existed in the Western Europe until the Reformation in the 16th century, in England even longer.

Secret marriages and cases that reached the Church courts show that there was a social tension in the society, as marriage was also a social fact affected by family, financial and feudal aspects. Therefore, in reality, the choice by people, especially by women, was not free. In real life, marriages were still formed for economic, social, even military reasons. Marriage consent rules developed into an entire section of the contract law, they were not only the foundation of the contemporary matrimonial law, but also produced certain fundamental elements of the contract law, namely the notion of free will and related notions of an error, coercion and deceit. The Christian matrimonial law that was formed in the Middle Ages existed in the Western Europe until the Reformation in the 16th century, in England even longer.

Secret marriages and cases that reached the Church courts show that there was a social tension in the society, as marriage was also a social fact affected by family, financial and feudal aspects. Therefore, in reality, the choice by people, especially by women, was not free. In real life, marriages were still formed for economic, social, even military reasons. Marriage consent rules developed into an entire section of the contract law, they were not only the foundation of the contemporary matrimonial law, but also produced certain fundamental elements of the contract law, namely the notion of free will and related notions of an error, coercion and deceit. The Christian matrimonial law that was formed in the Middle Ages existed in the Western Europe until the Reformation in the 16th century, in England even longer.

Criminal liability of juvenile offenders is a relevant issue which requires constant attention of states, legislators, law enforcement institutions, specialists of criminal law and non-governmental institutions. On initiative of United Nations Development Programme, the Government of the Republic of Lithuania introduced Juvenile Justice Programme (1999 – 2002 ) on the 17th of November 1999. This programme played an important role in humanizing and modernizing the system of juvenile criminal justice. On the 1st of May 2003 a new Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania introduced new section under the title "Characteristics of Juvenile Criminal Liability". Juvenile criminal liability is one of the most important issues of criminal justice policy. Due to specific physical and psychical features of juveniles, juveniles are considered exclusive subjects of criminal justice. Therefore, punitive measures applied should re-educate the minor and help to integrate him into society instead of simply punish him for the crime committed. In Lithuania, the central aim of reforms in punishment system was to impose educational measures on juvenile offenders which would be an alternative to imprisonment. However, even though educational measures are considered to be very important, in practice this kind of punishment is not widely applied in the juvenile criminal justice. Moreover, statistical data show that the number of cases when imprisonment is imposed on juvenile offenders tends to increase. System of minimal and moderate supervision in respect of juveniles is not clearly distinguished from activities of other juvenile institutions. Therefore, legislation does not provide particularities of minimal and moderate supervision system. In 2003 a law draft regarding minimal and moderate supervision of a child was introduced, which has not been approved till now. This fact should be considered negatively in terms of the effectiveness of juvenile justice. By analysing long experience in juvenile criminal justice of some foreign countries, such as England, Holland, Canada and Sweden, various aspects of applying particular institutes in the proceedings were considered. The following conclusions regarding the characteristics of juvenile criminal justice were made: firstly, the list of punishments imposed in Lithuania is longer the those of other countries; secondly, England, Canada and Sweden already apply a new punishment model, i.e. combined punishment comprised of two stages, namely, imprisonment and supervision. Such punitive measures help to decrease delinquency and ensure juveniles' re-socialization and integration into society. And lastly, foreign countries in question pay more attention to alternatives to conventional punitive measures, such as diversion or mediation.

Criminal liability of juvenile offenders is a relevant issue which requires constant attention of states, legislators, law enforcement institutions, specialists of criminal law and non-governmental institutions. On initiative of United Nations Development Programme, the Government of the Republic of Lithuania introduced Juvenile Justice Programme (1999 – 2002 ) on the 17th of November 1999. This programme played an important role in humanizing and modernizing the system of juvenile criminal justice. On the 1st of May 2003 a new Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania introduced new section under the title "Characteristics of Juvenile Criminal Liability". Juvenile criminal liability is one of the most important issues of criminal justice policy. Due to specific physical and psychical features of juveniles, juveniles are considered exclusive subjects of criminal justice. Therefore, punitive measures applied should re-educate the minor and help to integrate him into society instead of simply punish him for the crime committed. In Lithuania, the central aim of reforms in punishment system was to impose educational measures on juvenile offenders which would be an alternative to imprisonment. However, even though educational measures are considered to be very important, in practice this kind of punishment is not widely applied in the juvenile criminal justice. Moreover, statistical data show that the number of cases when imprisonment is imposed on juvenile offenders tends to increase. System of minimal and moderate supervision in respect of juveniles is not clearly distinguished from activities of other juvenile institutions. Therefore, legislation does not provide particularities of minimal and moderate supervision system. In 2003 a law draft regarding minimal and moderate supervision of a child was introduced, which has not been approved till now. This fact should be considered negatively in terms of the effectiveness of juvenile justice. By analysing long experience in juvenile criminal justice of some foreign countries, such as England, Holland, Canada and Sweden, various aspects of applying particular institutes in the proceedings were considered. The following conclusions regarding the characteristics of juvenile criminal justice were made: firstly, the list of punishments imposed in Lithuania is longer the those of other countries; secondly, England, Canada and Sweden already apply a new punishment model, i.e. combined punishment comprised of two stages, namely, imprisonment and supervision. Such punitive measures help to decrease delinquency and ensure juveniles' re-socialization and integration into society. And lastly, foreign countries in question pay more attention to alternatives to conventional punitive measures, such as diversion or mediation.

Criminal liability of juvenile offenders is a relevant issue which requires constant attention of states, legislators, law enforcement institutions, specialists of criminal law and non-governmental institutions. On initiative of United Nations Development Programme, the Government of the Republic of Lithuania introduced Juvenile Justice Programme (1999 – 2002 ) on the 17th of November 1999. This programme played an important role in humanizing and modernizing the system of juvenile criminal justice. On the 1st of May 2003 a new Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania introduced new section under the title "Characteristics of Juvenile Criminal Liability". Juvenile criminal liability is one of the most important issues of criminal justice policy. Due to specific physical and psychical features of juveniles, juveniles are considered exclusive subjects of criminal justice. Therefore, punitive measures applied should re-educate the minor and help to integrate him into society instead of simply punish him for the crime committed. In Lithuania, the central aim of reforms in punishment system was to impose educational measures on juvenile offenders which would be an alternative to imprisonment. However, even though educational measures are considered to be very important, in practice this kind of punishment is not widely applied in the juvenile criminal justice. Moreover, statistical data show that the number of cases when imprisonment is imposed on juvenile offenders tends to increase. System of minimal and moderate supervision in respect of juveniles is not clearly distinguished from activities of other juvenile institutions. Therefore, legislation does not provide particularities of minimal and moderate supervision system. In 2003 a law draft regarding minimal and moderate supervision of a child was introduced, which has not been approved till now. This fact should be considered negatively in terms of the effectiveness of juvenile justice. By analysing long experience in juvenile criminal justice of some foreign countries, such as England, Holland, Canada and Sweden, various aspects of applying particular institutes in the proceedings were considered. The following conclusions regarding the characteristics of juvenile criminal justice were made: firstly, the list of punishments imposed in Lithuania is longer the those of other countries; secondly, England, Canada and Sweden already apply a new punishment model, i.e. combined punishment comprised of two stages, namely, imprisonment and supervision. Such punitive measures help to decrease delinquency and ensure juveniles' re-socialization and integration into society. And lastly, foreign countries in question pay more attention to alternatives to conventional punitive measures, such as diversion or mediation.

Criminal liability of juvenile offenders is a relevant issue which requires constant attention of states, legislators, law enforcement institutions, specialists of criminal law and non-governmental institutions. On initiative of United Nations Development Programme, the Government of the Republic of Lithuania introduced Juvenile Justice Programme (1999 – 2002 ) on the 17th of November 1999. This programme played an important role in humanizing and modernizing the system of juvenile criminal justice. On the 1st of May 2003 a new Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania introduced new section under the title "Characteristics of Juvenile Criminal Liability". Juvenile criminal liability is one of the most important issues of criminal justice policy. Due to specific physical and psychical features of juveniles, juveniles are considered exclusive subjects of criminal justice. Therefore, punitive measures applied should re-educate the minor and help to integrate him into society instead of simply punish him for the crime committed. In Lithuania, the central aim of reforms in punishment system was to impose educational measures on juvenile offenders which would be an alternative to imprisonment. However, even though educational measures are considered to be very important, in practice this kind of punishment is not widely applied in the juvenile criminal justice. Moreover, statistical data show that the number of cases when imprisonment is imposed on juvenile offenders tends to increase. System of minimal and moderate supervision in respect of juveniles is not clearly distinguished from activities of other juvenile institutions. Therefore, legislation does not provide particularities of minimal and moderate supervision system. In 2003 a law draft regarding minimal and moderate supervision of a child was introduced, which has not been approved till now. This fact should be considered negatively in terms of the effectiveness of juvenile justice. By analysing long experience in juvenile criminal justice of some foreign countries, such as England, Holland, Canada and Sweden, various aspects of applying particular institutes in the proceedings were considered. The following conclusions regarding the characteristics of juvenile criminal justice were made: firstly, the list of punishments imposed in Lithuania is longer the those of other countries; secondly, England, Canada and Sweden already apply a new punishment model, i.e. combined punishment comprised of two stages, namely, imprisonment and supervision. Such punitive measures help to decrease delinquency and ensure juveniles' re-socialization and integration into society. And lastly, foreign countries in question pay more attention to alternatives to conventional punitive measures, such as diversion or mediation.

There are several categories of quangos: first, non-departmental public bodies, such as executive NDPBs, advisory NDPBs, tribunal NDPBs, independent monitoring boards, second, nationalised industries and public corporations, such as BBC, Bank of England, Royal Mail, Royal Mint, Commonwealth development Corporation, etc., third, national health service bodies, fourth, next step agencies, fifth, non-ministerial government departments, such as Ofwat, OFGEM, GEMA, OFCOM, (POSTCOMM, Office of Rail Regulator, etc. Even more groups of quangos exist, e.g. local public spending bodies and ad-hoc groups of experts. It must be noted that there is a huge number of quangos in the UK. It gives a good background for politicians to speculate upon it. Before the elections, the leaders of the parties often promise to save millions by cutting quangos. But they fail. This article does not intend to answer the question why they fail. It's only goal is to present the phenomenon of British quangos to the Lithuanian reader, to give the definition of quangos, to crystallise the reasons of their establishment, to give a classification of quangos and to analyse the problems of their accountability.