Suchergebnisse

The Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) is a descriptive formula used to reflect on asymmetries in economic development and consequential conflict of interests arising between various states of the world. These asymmetries and conflicts of interests have their reflection in these states' environmental policy mix - implemented domestically and pursued in the international context. The emerging map of mutual interests and dependences results from the consideration of external costs and benefits pertaining to respective national environmental policies. The EKC makes it evident that these costs and benefits cannot be evenly spread over all the states. This urges these states to adopt such interjurisdictional arrangements which are based on the identification of a possible multilateral exchange of economic policy favours and international financial transfers. Such an exchange, whenever occurs, has a generalized reciprocity formula. The function of such an arrangement is to make it possible for Nash equilibria to emerge, as such are most likely to produce the highest possible level of effectiveness in the long run. Such a behavior may not be cooperative in the short and medium term, yet the bottom-line cooperativeness is achieved because most states have similar if not the same long-term environmental goals.

The assessment of the implementation of the environmental policy in China is usually made in the context of the application of environmental law. The author proposes a different approach, assuming that the policy outcomes depend not only on such or other prerogatives at individual levels of management but on the mutual interaction of individual actors. The article indicates to what extent the central authority is able to define policy goals along with an adequate system of supervision of implementation, what is the perception of local authorities, and in what conditions local authorities are willing to accept the objectives of the ecological policy. It has been identified in which conditions sub-national authorities may distort centrally planned activities related to environmental protection.

The purpose of the study was an investigation on a content of the core curriculum in Poland, for kin- dergarten children (aged 3–6) and primary school students (aged 7–18), in reference to educational demands, created by the global ecological crisis. As a source of these demands, IPCC Assessments Reports on Climate Change and UN over-arching strategies for sustainability and environmental education were used, as well as the European Union green policies' package (The European Green Deal). Poland, as a member of the EU and a party of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, is obliged to promote and implement "green" policies, through incorporation of them into national legislation and the state system of education. The analysis revealed in Polish core curriculum lack of content, connected with the global ecological crisis and climate change, as well as with strategies of combating them. This result shows a dramatic content gap in environmental education of Polish students, regardless the fact that ecol- ogy is a fundament of global and European developmental strategies. The responsibility for this situation is beard on decision makers for a state educational policy; in a context of Polish law, this is the Ministry of Education and the Minister for Education himself. ; The purpose of the study was an investigation on a content of the core curriculum in Poland, for kin- dergarten children (aged 3–6) and primary school students (aged 7–18), in reference to educational demands, created by the global ecological crisis. As a source of these demands, IPCC Assessments Reports on Climate Change and UN over-arching strategies for sustainability and environmental education were used, as well as the European Union green policies' package (The European Green Deal). Poland, as a member of the EU and a party of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, is obliged to promote and implement "green" policies, through incorporation of them into national legislation and the state system of education. The analysis revealed in Polish core curriculum lack of content, connected with the global ecological crisis and climate change, as well as with strategies of combating them. This result shows a dramatic content gap in environmental education of Polish students, regardless the fact that ecol- ogy is a fundament of global and European developmental strategies. The responsibility for this situation is beard on decision makers for a state educational policy; in a context of Polish law, this is the Ministry of Education and the Minister for Education himself.

The article intends to illustrate the climate, social and primarily health effects resulting from the emission of various substances in the process of burning coal and waste, and the legal framework related to the issue of air pollution as a result of low emissions. The authors discuss also the main directions of the changes proposed in the so-called "anti-smog" law. The authors pose the thesis that Poland has still not solved problems of low emissions, despite the measures taken in the amendment to the Environmental Law. In their view, Poland still has a long way to go before it creates a low-carbon economy. The traditional use of coal in Poland hinders putting ecological changes into practice. Incineration of waste produced by households is another social pathology. Besides municipal waste, some hazardous waste also produced in households can be found. The level of environmental education is very poor in this respect. However, without significant actions, we will continue to destroy our own and our neighbours' health, contribute to climate change as some climatologists' think and pay penalties for failing to meet ecological commitments to the European Union as well.

The assessment of the implementation of the environmental policy in China is usually made in the context of the application of environmental law. The author proposes a different approach, assuming that the policy outcomes depend not only on such or other prerogatives at individual levels of management but on the mutual interaction of individual actors. The article indicates to what extent the central authority is able to define policy goals along with an adequate system of supervision of implementation, what is the perception of local authorities, and in what conditions local authorities are willing to accept the objectives of the ecological policy. It has been identified in which conditions sub-national authorities may distort centrally planned activities related to environmental protection. ; Ocena wdrażania polityki ekologicznej w Chinach dokonywana jest zazwyczaj w kontekście implementacji prawa ochrony środowiska. Autor proponuje odmienne podejście, zakładając, że efekty polityki uzależnione są nie tylko od takich czy innych prerogatyw na poszczególnych poziomach zarządzania, ale także od wzajemnej interakcji poszczególnych aktorów. Artykuł wskazuje, w jakim stopniu władza centralna jest w stanie definiować cele polityki, wraz z adekwatnym systemem nadzoru wdrażania, jaka jest percepcja władz lokalnych, w jakich warunkach władze lokalne są skłonne do akceptacji celów polityki ekologicznej. Zidentyfikowano, w jakich warunkach władze subnarodowe mogą zniekształcać centralnie zaplanowane działania związane z ochroną środowiska.

The Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) is a descriptive formula used to reflect on asymmetries in economic development and consequential conflict of interests arising between various states of the world. These asymmetries and conflicts of interests have their reflection inthese states' environmental policy mix –implemented domestically and pursued inthe international context. The emerging map of mutual interests and dependences results from the consideration of external costs and benefits pertaining torespective national environmental policies. The EKC makes it evident that these costs and benefits cannot be evenly spread over all the states. This urges these states toadopt such interjurisdictional arrangements which are based on the identification of apossible multilateral exchange of economic policy favours and international financial transfers. Such an exchange, whenever occurs, has ageneralized reciprocity formula. The function of such an arrangement is tomake it possible for Nash equilibria toemerge, as such are most likely toproduce the highest possible level of effectiveness inthe long run. Such abehavior may notbe cooperative inthe short and medium term, yet the bottom-line cooperativeness is achieved because most states have similar if notthe same long-term environmental goals. ; Środowiskowa krzywa Kuznetsa jest formułą opisu asymetrii uwarunkowań rozwoju gospodarczego i wynikających stąd sprzeczności interesów pomiędzy państwami. Owe asymetrie i sprzeczności znajdują odzwierciedlenie w realizowanej przez nie wewnętrznie i poszukiwanej w przestrzeni międzynarodowej policy mix w dziedzinie ochrony środowiska. Na mapie interesów i zależności naturalnie pojawiających się w kontekście ochrony środowiska muszą być uwzględnione korzyści i koszty zewnętrzne, które stwarza polityka ochrony środowiska poszczególnych państw. Z EKC wynika, że owe korzyści i koszty nie mogą być rozłożone równomiernie, co powoduje, że istotne jest zapewnienie takich rozwiązań międzyjurysdykcyjnych, które zapewniają identyfikację świadczeń opartych na wzajemności zgeneralizowanej i realizację ich w jakiejś formule wymagającej międzynarodowego porozumienia o wymianie świadczeń w postaci kooperatywnych elementów polityki ochrony środowiska oraz transferów finansowych. Wzajemność, o której w tym wypadku mowa, ma charakter zgeneralizowany. Jej funkcją jest zapewnienie takich równowag Nasha, które długookresowo zapewniają najwyższy poziom efektywności. Jakkolwiek wyzwala to pewien stopień niekooperatywności w krótkim i średnim okresie, to jednak nie jest ona zupełna, gdyż fundamentalne, długookresowe cele polityki środowiska większości państw są podobne.

The European Union does not have an autonomous and self-standing public policy concerning the protection of landscape. Instead, it adopts fragmentary and incidental measures meant to protect landscape. These measures are adopted within the frameworks of other EU policies, most importantly the EU environmental policy as well as other policies which are integrated with it (such as agricultural policy or policy concerned with special planning). In all these realms, the EU shares its powers with its member states. In some important areas, such as e.g. the property regime, the member states retained their exclusive competences. This particular distribution of powers makes the implementation of the extra-EU international law instruments rather difficult and not sufficiently effective to produce a worthwhile impact. These obligations have a limited influence because most of them are obligations of "a diligent pursue" rather than "firm result". As such, they are unlikely to give rise to direct application of respective conventional provisions. Notwithstanding, their importance is much more pronounced in the area of legal reasoning, where even the EU or domestic measures have to be interpreted in the light of the EU and/or its member states' obligations arising from international conventions on landscape protection.

The article addresses the issue of change in the government-university relationships. As has become increasingly clear for both analysts of higher education policy and for administrators in higher education institutions, a fundamental shift in the relationship between national governments and higher education institutions is taking place in many Western European countries. In some countries, these changes are occurring at greater speed than in others, but movement to what has been labelled "state supervision" is quite dominant. The first part of the article analyses the rationale for this change at system level by tracing its historical imperatives; after which it discusses the concept of the supervisory governance model. The second part focuses in particular on one of the key of this objective and what doing so implies for the role and function of higher education institutions. By focussing on the specific issue of diversity, the authors intend to demonstrate the dynamic relationship between governments and higher education institutions that is implied in the supervisory model. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony zmianom w stosunkach między rządem i uniwersytetem. Zarówno dla analizujących politykę wobec szkolnictwa wyższego, jak i dla zarządzających szkołami wyższymi coraz bardziej oczywisty staje się fakt, że w wielu państwach Europy Zachodniej dokonują się zasadnicze zmiany w relacjach między państwem a instytucjami szkolnictwa wyższego. W niektórych krajach zmiany te zachodzą szybciej niż w pozostałych, lecz powszechna jest tendencja do przeobrażania stanu nazwanego "regulacją państwową" . W pierwszej części artykułu autorzy zajmują się systemowymi determinantami tych zmian, eksponując czynniki historyczne, oraz sposobem tworzenia państwowej regulacji. W drugiej części koncentrują się na jednym z kluczowych celów polityki w stosunku do szkół wyższych, to jest na problemie różnorodności i instrumentach realizacji strategii regulacji, a także na skutkach, jakie one wywierają w sferze misji oraz zadań szkół wyższych. Koncentrując się na problemie różnorodności, autorzy starają się pokazać zmiany zachodzące - pod wpływem modelu regulacji - w stosunkach między państwem a szkołami wyższymi.