Suchergebnisse

The replacement of grassroots environmental movements with institutionalized mass membership organizations in Western nations during the 1980s & 1990s is examined, hypothesizing that the degree of institutionalization is primarily determined by national political opportunity structure. An analysis of the environmental movements of the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, & Switzerland reveals that they are highly institutionalized in comparison to France. Moreover, it is demonstrated that different political opportunity structures generate international differences among highly institutionalized environmental movements. 10 Tables, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.

The international environmental system consists of numerous organizations and hundreds of multilateral treaties that focus on different environmental issues. For decades, there is fierce criticism of the effectiveness and efficiency of this system because of a lack of a clear vision; overlapping and sometimes conflicting mandates and activities by insufficient coordination; weak implementation and enforcement; and conflicts with other international policy systems (notably trade). Although the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) mandate is to coordinate milieuge-related activities of the United Nations, it is severely limited by an inadequate and indescribable reliable budget, weak legitimate status and the overlap of the mandate of UNEP those of other international organizations. In the past 40 years, dozens of proposals developed by states, UN commissions and academics for a UN or World Environment Organisation (WEO/UNEO). This would have sufficient authority and budget should have to better coordinate environmental system. Adapted from the source document.

"How to navigate the rapidly changing digital geopolitics of the world today? How do we make sense of digital transformation and its many social, political, cultural, and environmental implications at different locations around the world? Vertical Atlas brings together the insights of a diverse group of internationally renowned artists, scientists and technologists from different backgrounds and places. From an investigation into the lithium mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo to maps of the fiber-optic submarine cables in the Atlantic and the ride-hailing platforms of China. Vertical Atlas is not a classic atlas that depicts the world in a uniform manner and it is not a simple collection of traditional maps. This book is a tool that enables comparisons, connections and contradictions between different and diverse visions, realities and worlds – through newly commissioned diagrams, interviews, essays and works of art by leading experts from around the world."--

THE STUDY OF CORRUPTION IS PURSUED ALONG ECOLOGICAL LINES, FOCUSING ON THE INTERRELATIONSHIP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. IF POLITICS IS DEFINED IN TERMS OF VALUES, POWER, & PUBLIC POLICY, THEN AN ADMINISTRATOR MAY BE CONSIDERED A 'POLITICIAN' IN MANY RESPECTS, ALTHOUGH HE IS OPERATING IN A MORE STRUCTURED CONTEXT & SUBJECT TO DIFFERENT NORMS (ADMINISTRATIVE OUTPUT-CULTURE, VS POLITICIAN'S INPUT-CULTURE). WHETHER CORRUPTION IS DEFINED AS THE VIOLATION OF NORMS, AS SELF-INTERESTED BEHAVIOR, OR AS A TRANSACTION, THE VARIOUS FORMS OF CORRUPTION MAY BE EXPLAINED BY THE CONFUSION & OVERLAP OF POLITICS & ADMINISTRATION. OFFICIAL POSITIONS MAY SERVE AS SPOILS, USED AS POLITICAL RESOURCE, OR CORRUPT LOYALITIES MAY GUIDE AN ADMINISTRATOR'S BEHAVIOR; THE LATTER MAY BE RELATED TO THE INFORMAL ORGANIZATION WITHIN THE BUREAUCRACY OR TO THE SOCIAL & POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT. IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES, INTERNAL BUREAUCRATIC COMPETITION & ENVIRONMENTAL NEEDS FOR CORRUPT INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC POLICY ARE ESPECIALLY STRONG BECAUSE OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS, DISRUPTIVE CONTACT BETWEEN TRADITIONAL & WESTERN NORMS & ROLES, & BECAUSE OF AN INCREASING IMPACT OF THE NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION UPON THE CULTURALLY DISTANT LOCAL COMMUNITIES. CULTURAL CONFUSION & POLITICAL EXCLUSION OF MANY GROUPS LEAVE CORRUPTION AS THE ONLY EFFECTIVE MEANS TO INFLUENCE PUBLIC POLICY AT THE OUTPUT STAGE. MODIFIED HA.

This is a next, annual installment in a series, published regularly since 1978, of overviews of Belgian politics in a given year. This 2004 overview discusses the main topics & issues that preoccupied the government of Guy Verhofstadt, formed in a three-party coalition -- Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten ([VLD] Flemish Liberals and Democrats), Socialistische Partij Anders ([SP.A] Socialist Party Differently), & Sociaal, Progressief, Internationaal, Regionalistisch, Integraal-democratisch en Toekomstgericht ([Spirit]Social, Progressive, International, Regional, Integral-Democratic, and Future Justice) -- following the national election in May 2003: (1) immigrants' voting rights, (2) the controversy over Zaventem airport expansion requested by the German shipping company DHL, (3) redistricting/splitting of the Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde electoral district, (4) unemployment compensation, family policy, tax restructuring, & other social & fiscal issues pertaining to the 2005 budget, (5) environmental policy, (6) the implications of the regional & EU elections of 13 June 2004, (7) public safety & defense matters, (8) regional government/jurisdiction & civil service reforms & other matters of home policy, & (9) internal party politics. Z. Dubiel

All major postwar political conflicts that made up the face of Belgian politics were accompanied by massive protests & intensive demonstration waves. Analysis of newspaper coverage & of gendarmerie (police) archives confirms this for the 1990s. The 1990-1997 period is marked by an increasing number of demonstrations & demonstrators. The disappearance of the ideological & cultural-linguistical actions was, on the one hand, made up for by the further rising of other issues (environmental, antiracist, judicial, etc), &, on the other, by the near institutionalization of very classic issues like education or employment, which both secured their place on the street. There is no ground to call the 1990s dull; on the contrary, the number of demonstrations grew steadily &, especially in Flanders, R. Inglehart's (1977) perspective of the Silent Revolution of postmaterialist values took to the streets. The wider acceptance of demonstrations as a means of action, growing political alienation, & greater openness of the political system are presented as plausible explanations. 6 Tables, 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The ecologist (green) party, Agalev, & the radical right-wing party, Vlaams Blok, have often been considered each others' antipodes on the Belgium political spectrum in their attitudes toward immigrant rights, Flemish & Belgian nationalism, materialistic vs postmaterialistic values, & environmental policy. Using data from 2,619 Flemish voters after the 1991 general elections, attitudes & sociodemographic characteristics of these parties are analyzed in a global logistic regression model, using the electorates of all other parties as a reference category. It is found that young urban non-Catholics are overrepresented in the electorates of both parties; however, Agalev voters tend to be well-educated & have a high occupational status, whereas Vlaams voters are more likely to have little education & a low (blue-collar) occupational status. Controlling for social characteristics, these attitudinal variables show significant opposite net effects on the electoral choice. Agalev & Vlaams Blok each received about 10% of the votes, supporting Swyngedouw's thesis (1986 [see abstract 86Q8012]) about the emergence of two cleavages, the universalistic-particularistic & postmaterialistic-materialistic. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.