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Captain Jacques‐Yves Cousteau was perhaps one of the most recognisable international celebrity environmentalists of his time. Cousteau is not remembered, however, for his pivotal role in the defeat of the 1988 Antarctic Minerals Convention, which, if ratified, would have paved the way for mining to begin in Antarctica. Using the full weight of his celebrity, his personal charisma and his ability to marshal international public opinion, Cousteau was central to the successful campaign for a World Park Antarctica. The new international agreement that Cousteau ultimately helped to bring about is one of the most significant pieces of international environmental legislation in existence today, and Cousteau's crowning environmental achievement. Cousteau's successful Antarctic campaign demonstrates the indelible impact celebrities can have on international environmental negotiations, and political developments more broadly.

Western Australia and Queensland are often seen as the most developmentalist states in the Australian federation, largely because they remained less developed for longer and have seen much mineral and agricultural development in the latter part of the twentieth century. Developmentalism is usually seen as anathema to a commitment to environmental policy, which most states have taken on in response to environmentalism in the same period, yet these two developmentalist states exhibit markedly different trajectories in response to this environmentalist stimulus. This paper explores the reasons for these differences, finding a variety of causal factors including both socioeconomic influences (such as affluence and demographics), political structures, and personalities and the force of ideas. It suggests that we should be wary of monocausal explanations of such differences.

Western Australia and Queensland are often seen as the most developmentalist states in the Australian federation, largely because they remained less developed for longer and have seen much mineral and agricultural development in the latter part of the twentieth century. Developmentalism is usually seen as anathema to a commitment to environmental policy, which most states have taken on in response to environmentalism in the same period, yet these two developmentalist states exhibit markedly different trajectories in response to this environmentalist stimulus. This paper explores the reasons for these differences, finding a variety of causal factors including both socioeconomic influences (such as affluence and demographics), political structures, and personalities and the force of ideas. It suggests that we should be wary of monocausal explanations of such differences.

This analysis of Mapocho (2002), a novel by Chilean writer and performer Nona Fernández, explores the significance of the author's environmentalist representation of Chilean history as the accumulation of spiritual and material contaminants—ghosts and trash—that the victorious from throughout the country's history have attempted to erase to further various economic and political agendas, particularly the neoliberal model installed during the Pinochet dictatorship. Fernández's depiction of Chile as an ecological and spiritual wasteland in which the female protagonist (re)collects, recycles and reuses the specters and detritus of past conflicts represents the author's own literary project of advocating for human rights and environmental justice during the Chilean transition while modeling a way to counter the collective amnesia promoted under the newly established democracy.

During the 2000s, the climate movement was very good at getting the attention of the nation: people didnt always care, but they always noticed. Other protesters, from student and anti-austerity campaigners in the United Kingdom to Occupiers in the United States, mimicked the tactics of environmentalists. Their kind of direct action -- combining imaginative, news-grabbing stunts with more traditional methods of interfering with production and consumption processes -- is now conventional on the British Left. But in a country where protests against government cuts occur weekly, and where public interest in climate change is at a record low, imagination isnt always enough. Compared to the United States, where even getting climate change on the political agenda remains controversial, Britain seems pretty progressive. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the example of the debate on the relations between the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the environment, this article offers a longitudinal analysis of a public problem definition. Focusing on actor struggles, it shows how, in twenty years, the vision of the relations between the CAP and the environment carried out by some environmentalists has become dominant at the European level, generating a large and tacit consensus. Three complementary elements are identified to explain political consensus production: the use of 'science' allows projecting a seemly depoliticized and universal worldview, promising an inevitable future; the plasticity of the logic of this vision enables various appropriations, likely to integrate diverse interests; finally, legal consecration of this vision favors a phenomenon of symbolic impact. Adapted from the source document.

For more than two decades, Ecuadorian environmentalists and their international allies have opposed fossil fuel extraction in the Amazonian lowlands of eastern Ecuador. A broad narrative surrounding the campaign against oil drilling in eastern Ecuador holds that multinational firms -- not an Ecuadorian institution -- are solely responsible for the adverse consequences resulting from petroleum development. In this article, the broad narrative about petroleum development in the Ecuadorian Amazon is critiqued by analyzing the narratives three constituent hypotheses. The first of these is that the country was entirely dominated by foreign firms. The second hypothesis is that the vast majority of Ecuadorians benefited little or not at all from petroleum development. The third is that environmental trade-offs in the Oriente were decided by multinational actors, not the Ecuadorian government. Adapted from the source document.

The relationship between globalization and environmental policies presents more nuances than the popular paradigm of free trader versus self-serving protectionists, the familiar model of environmentalist battling greedy polluters, or the outmoded view of a progressive multilateral agenda juxtaposed against a parochial, inward-looking domestic one. This piece sets out a structural and analytical framework for addressing the major issues in the field -- including (1) unilateral trade-based measures to protect the environment; (2) science-based tests applied through trade agreements; (3) disciplines on foreign investment that may have a "chilling effect" on environmental regulation; and (4) the relationship between free trade agreements and multilateral environmental agreements. The implications for domestic law in the United States, including federal administrative law and federal-state relations, are also examined.

AbstractThe impact on ecological theology of green and postmodern critiques of science has led to disturbing parallels between the work of some Christian environmentalists and process theologians on the one hand, and the arguments of Intelligent Design (ID) proponents on the other. At the heart of these critiques is a rejection of mechanistic science and "neo-Darwinism". Both ID proponents and ecotheologians critique the disenchanted and reductionist worldview assumed to be central to neo-Darwinism. Both groups also redefine the traditional boundaries of scientific naturalism, presenting a form of biology that shows matter to be active and valuable, rather than dead and inert. This paper examines these parallels and argues for the possibility of enchanted and theistic interpretations of modern Darwinism without redefining naturalism.

Examines recent troubles & critiques of the American environmental movement, especially the strong arguments describing the failure of the movement by Michael Schellenberger & Ted Nordhaus. Their critique of the movement's outdated approaches, unexamined assumptions, & general disconnection from core American values as they set themselves up as the protectors of the environment focuses the discussion. Other environmentalist groups (Earth First) & critiques of the movement (Mark Dowie's Losing Ground & Robert Gottlieb's FTRI>Forcing the Spring) are assessed followed by examinations of "deep ecology," collaborative versus adversarial approaches, & populist versus paternalistic forms of authority. To conclude, the work of George Lakoff, cognitive linguist & "frame theory" guru, is introduced to clarify, fill in, & modify the earlier discussions & the critiques of environmentalism by Schellenberger & Nordhaus. R. Rodriguez