In February 2018 was 120 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Ethiopia. As you know, the Ethiopian Empire was one of the first countries in Africa with which the Russian Empire established diplomatic relations. In 1917, after the Great October Revolution, official relations between the Ethiopian Empire and the USSR were suspended and resumed only in 1943. Thus, Ethiopia became not only the first country in Africa with which Russia established official diplomatic ties, but also a window to Africa. Before the 60s of XX century, the freedom fighters of Africa and students who received a scholarship to study in the universities of the USSR were forced to travel through Ethiopia, because the colonial authorities did not allow their arrival in the country of the Soviets. The publication is devoted to the history of training national personnel for Ethiopiain Russia in the last period of the XIX and the beginning of the 20th century.
The article is devoted to the life and works of Fitaurari I.F. Babichev, the man whose name is not mentioned in the studies of any Russian or foreign authors, including Ethiopians. The biography I.F. Babichev, who took an active part in the most important military and diplomatic events during the beginning of the modernization of the administrative apparatus of the Ethiopian empire, deserves a separate study, which has not previously been carried out. The authors are attempting to fill the gap, on the basis of unpublished archival material sources.
Purpose. In Sub-Saharan Africa, UN demographers expect the population to nearly double over the next 30 years (2020–2050), increasing by more than 1 billion people. Demographic changes of such speed and scale will undoubtedly have global implications. The purpose of the work is to calculate a number of scenarios of the demographic future for some countries of the region, taking into account specific features and events of African recent demographic history (in contrast to the UN forecasts). We also aim to assess the difference between various scenarios for each country and the attainability of the "optimistic" scenario.Materials and methods. We develop scenario forecasts for population dynamics in a number of African countries. In all scenarios, mortality dynamics corresponds to the "medium" UN forecast. For the birth rate dynamics, two scenarios were simulated: the optimistic one (birth rate goes from current rates to 2.1 children per woman in 20 years, which was observed in Iran; Rwanda and Ethiopia are more or less close to this scenario) and the inertial one (for countries where birth rate declined in 2005–2015, this decline was simulated to continue at the same rate; for countries where birth rate "froze", two options were modeled; both projected birth rate decline at 0.1 child per woman annually, either starting immediately or after another 10 years).The results show that all scenarios, even the "optimistic" one, forecast a huge population increase in all countries considered (Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia) over the next 30 years. Slow birth rate decline (or prolonged "stagnation" at high levels) parallel to successful mortality reduction (especially in infants and children) accumulated enormous demographic inertia in many countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (to calculate its scope, an additional "provisional" scenario was calculated in the work). The difference between the "inertial" and the "optimistic" reaches the size or even sometimes exceeds the current population of the country. This underlines the importance of the governments' efforts to curb population growth. Ethiopia proves such efforts.Conclusion. Only in Ethiopia the "inertial" and "optimistic" scenarios almost coincide thanks to demographic growth-reducing efforts undertaken there since the early 1990s; thus, in 2005–2015 the birth rate decreased by 1.3 children per woman. This proves that achieving an "optimistic" scenario is possible in African countries, although with considerable and concentrated efforts. ; Цель. В Африке южнее Сахары эксперты-демографы ООН ожидают приблизительно удвоения населения за ближайшие 30 лет (с 2020 к 2050 году); население региона увеличится более чем на 1 млрд человек. Подобная скорость и масштаб демографических изменений, вне всякого сомнения, будут иметь глобальные последствия. Цель работы – рассчитать ряд сценариев демографического будущего стран региона, учитывающих демографическую специфику африканских стран (в отличие от прогнозов ООН), оценить различие между разными сценариями для каждой страны и достижимость «оптимистического» сценария.Материалы и методы. Была разработана методика сценарного прогнозирования численности населения и использована для ряда стран региона. Во всех сценариях динамика смертности соответствовала «среднему» прогнозу ООН. Для динамики рождаемости моделировались следующие сценарии: оптимистический (снижение рождаемости до 2,1 ребенка на женщину в течение 20 лет, опыт снижения рождаемости такими и даже большими темпами имеется у Ирана, в Африке к нему близки Руанда и отчасти Эфиопия) и инерционный (для стран, где рождаемость снижалась в 2005–2015 гг., моделировалось продолжение ее снижения с той же скоростью; для стран, где рождаемость «застыла», моделировались два варианта снижения рождаемости со скоростью 0,1 ребенка на женщину в год – один вариант предполагал немедленное начало снижения, во втором варианте снижение начиналось через 10 лет).Результаты показывают, что все без исключения сценарии, даже «оптимистический» предполагают колоссальное увеличение численности населения во всех рассмотренных странах (Мозамбик, Нигер, Нигерия, Танзания, Уганда, Эфиопия) в течение предстоящих 30 лет. Это связано с тем, что из-за медленного снижения рождаемости (или же вовсе довольно длительных периодов отсутствия ее снижения) на фоне значительных успехов в снижении смертности, особенно младенческой и детской, во многих странах региона накоплена колоссальная демографическая инерция (для расчета ее масштабов в работе рассчитан еще один дополнительный «условный» сценарий). Расчеты показывают колоссальную разницу между вариантами «инерционного» сценария, с одной стороны, и «оптимистическим» сценарием, с другой, которая порой достигает или даже превышает текущую численность населения страны. Это подчеркивает важность усилий правительств по снижению темпов роста населения – результативность же таких усилий наглядно показывает эфиопский кейс.Заключение. Только в Эфиопии «инерционный» и «оптимистический» сценарии почти совпадают – благодаря усилиям по снижению темпов роста населения, предпринимаемым здесь с начала 1990-х гг.; за 2005–2015 г., к примеру, рождаемость здесь снизилась на 1,3 ребенка на женщину. Это доказывает, что достижение «оптимистического» сценария вполне возможно в африканских странах, хотя и потребует значительных и сконцентрированных усилий.
Diversity is one of the most contested issues in domestic and international politics. Debates about ethnic, national, linguistic, religious, and economic diversity and its accommodation in viable and legitimate polities feature prominently in discussions among academics and practitioners of comparative politics, conflict-resolution studies, political sociology, and political theory. There are several types of "old" and "new diversities and their potential to create conflict have been frequently addressed through federal arrangements. First, there is diversity pertaining to cultural, ideological, racial, religious, and linguistic predispositions. When these are concentrated territorially, they may be more difficult to manage institutionally, and they are the ones for which federal arrangements are deemed the most appropriate. Second, the existence of politically mobilized territorial or national self-defined identities in multi-ethnic or multinational societies represents a paramount challenge for the governance and accommodation of differences. Third, there is diversity concerning socio-economic resources and the interests of groups concentrated territorially. Socio-economic differences revolve around the allocation of socially valued goods and the redistribution of resources among territories, and are sometimes a common rationale of federal arrangements. This paper explores how institutions and ideas have helped accommodate ethno-linguistic or religious diversities, empower ethnic or linguistic minorities, manage conflicts, and establish a legitimate, stable, and cohesive order in twelve federal countries: Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Ethiopia, Germany, India, Nigeria, Russia, Spain, Switzerland, and the United States of America. ; Peer reviewed
In 2023, exactly 10 years have passed since the proclamation by Chinese President Xi Jinping of the One Belt, One Road Initiative (OBOR), which has become the flagship direction of China's foreign policy. OBOR is a combination of two mega-projects – the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR). A special role in promoting cooperation between China and African countries is played by the MSR, which passes through the states of East Africa – Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Madagascar and South Africa. The book "One Belt One Road Initiative and the Construction of the African Continental Free Trade Area" is devoted to the development trends of cooperation between China and African countries within the BRI, as well as assistance from the PRC in the construction of the African Continental Free Trade Area. Yang Baorong and Ma Hanzhi form the core of the team of authors. The book includes several chapters, the third of which is devoted to tying infrastructure under the BRI and helping to build the African Continental Free Trade Area, and the fourth is devoted to political proposals that deserve special attention. Although some conclusions made by the authors are questionable, the book is a major achievement, on the one hand because of its a qualitative analysis of the formation, development and emerging difficulties of economic integration in Africa, and on the other hand, because it reveals the position of China and the Chinese scientific community on promoting dialogue with the countries of the continent within the BRI and promoting free trade between the PRC and African countries. The red thread in the work traces the idea of the importance of the One Belt – One Road initiative for the successful construction of the African Continental Free Trade Area, as well as for the successful implementation of the 2063 Agenda.
The article provides a background analysis in connection with the visit of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S.V.Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia in March 2018. The author comes to the conclusion that one of the vectors of the Russian foreign policy is slowly shifting towards the «Black continent». Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has become a zone approaching the status of emerging market economies, in particular the BRICS, in what refers to the pace of their development, the increase of their role and influence in the world economy and politics. The old-time views about Africa being a continent of total backwardness and extreme poverty no longer correspond to reality. Today the global centers of power recognize the exclusive economic importance of the Africa. In the present century the continent will be the most dynamically developing region of the world. The character and the economic growth in the developed states, as well as the procurement of raw materials, energy resources and human capital will largely depend on the African sources. Mr. S.V.Lavrov's visit reconfirmed Russia's growing interest in Africa. It will undoubtedly give a powerful impetus to the development of Russian-African relations. Almost all African officials showed friendly attitude towards our country, many of them condemned the US hegemonistic policy in the world and in the region. At the same time, Africans still perceive Russia as a positive alternative to the West, and now also to China. Voices are heard that it is a good time for Moscow to capitalize on the paramount respect and authority that Russia acquired through its actions in the Middle East. Africans hope that Russia is ready to provide financial and military assistance on the same preferential terms, as the Soviet Union did in its time. It is necessary to clearly define short and long term priorities in Africa, to seek new forms and mechanisms for interaction, and, most importantly, to develop a new state strategy on the African direction. ; Статья посвящена визиту министра иностранных дел России СВЛаврова в Анголу, Намибию, Мозамбик, Зимбабве и Эфиопию. Автор приходит к выводу, что один из векторов российской внешней политики медленно поворачивается в сторону Черного континента. Африканские страны к югу от Сахары (АЮС) стали зоной, которая по темпам развития, росту роли и влияния в мировой экономике и политике стремительно начала приближаться к «восходящим» странам с развивающейся рыночной экономикой, в частности БРИКС. В целом, визит С.В.Лаврова, продемонстрировавший растущий интерес РФ к Африке, безусловно, придаст мощный импульс развитию российско-африканских отношений
Рассматриваются сложившиеся в практике многонациональных федеративных государств основные инструменты управления этническим многообразием и особенности их конституционно-правового регулирования. В то время как большая часть современных работ по данной проблематике направлены на критику многонационального (или этнического) федерализма как такового или, напротив, на его оправдание, целью предлагаемой статьи является описание и краткий анализ инструментов, наиболее часто используемых в многонациональных федерациях для встраивания (аккомодации) различных этнических общностей в единое политико-правовое пространство. В числе таких инструментов автор выделяет следующие: признание правосубъектности и коллективных прав этнических общностей; языковые права и языковая политика; представительство этнических общностей в органах публичной власти; разграничение компетенции между федерацией и ее субъектами; «позитивная дискриминация»; консультативные органы, ассоциации и национально-культурные автономии; юридическое признание обычаев и традиционной социальной организации отдельных этнических общностей, проживающих в границах определенного субъекта федерации. На основе сравнительно-правовой методологии автор рассматривает особенности закрепления данных инструментов в конституциях отдельных многонациональных государств, как Бельгия, Индия, Испания, Канада, Россия, Швейцария, Эфиопия, Южно-Африканская Республика. Делается вывод, что рассматриваемые инструменты используются с одной стороны в целях сохранения идентичности этнокультурных общностей, их языков и традиций, с другой стороны – на их интеграцию в общественную и государственную жизнь, преодоление диспропорций в развитии регионов, населенных различными этническими группами, снижение уровня межэтнической напряженности. Также в работе приводится авторское понимание категории «многонациональная федерация». ; This article studies the basic means of ethnic diversity management implemented in the constitutional law of modern multinational federations. While the majority of the current studies in the field either criticize or justify multinational (or ethnic) federalism, this article aims to describe, and briefly analyze the tools for accommodation of various ethnic groups within a single legal and political space most frequently applied in modern multinational federations. Such tools include the following: recognition of legal personality of ethnic groups and their group rights; linguistic rights and linguistic policy; representation of ethnic groups in public authorities; distribution of powers between the federation and subfederal units; «positive discrimination», advisory bodies, associations, and national-cultural autonomies; legal recognition of customs and traditional social organization of separate ethnic groups inhabiting certain regions. Based on comparative legal methodology, the author analyzes peculiarities of consolidation of the abovementioned tools in constitutions of various multinational states, such as Belgium, India, Spain, Canada, Russia, Switzerland, Ethiopia, and South Africa. He concluded that the considered tools are used on the one hand in order to preserve the identity of ethnocultural communities, their languages and traditions, on the other hand – to facilitate their integration into public and state life, to overcome imbalances in the development of regions inhabited by different ethnic groups, reduce inter-ethnic tensions. This article provides the author's explanation of the category «multinational federalism» as well.
