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This paper discusses the issue of federalism and conflicts in Ethiopia by posing the question: to what extent does the current system of ethnic Federalism help to reduce ethnic tensions and conflicts? Although federalism is taken by many as a typical strategy for avoiding ethnic conflict and promoting democracy in multi-ethnic societies, the Ethiopian experience largely suggest that the system is not reducing ethnic tensions and conflicts. Ethnicity being the major organizing principle of the federal system in the country, promotes conflicts stressing the primordial notions of ethnicity and mobilization. It has encouraged differences and competition over the control of power and resources at a local level. Thus, conflicts are increasing, becoming more decentralized and protracted. These suggest that in the Ethiopian context, there is a need to move away from using ethnicity as a sole criterion and to organize the federation using geographical and economic considerations. This would further help to reduce the current ethnic strife by encouraging civic nationality and trust among people.Keywords: Conflict, Ethnicity, Federalism, Ethiopia

No modern nation-state has had as stable an historical legacy as that of Switzerland. In a world of explosive national and international discord, of recurring genocidal hatred, of chronic violence and ethno-cultural war, the Swiss example offers a light onto others, a veritable living political manuscript, outlining the historical methods that allow for the construction of highly stable and functioning multi-ethnic nation-states. Unlocking the Swiss case, then, provides us with the theoretical keys that will be necessary for avoiding "the coming anarchy" of the post-Cold War Era. The essay presents both an exploration of the historical development of Swiss nationalism and an evaluation of whether or not the Swiss example of post-primordial civic nationalism can act as an ideal model for others in Eastern Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. From the historical dialogue, three primary circumstances have guided the development of a stable national foundation in Switzerland; (1) the threat of an external 'alien other', (2) elite accommodation and consociation of the national project, and (3) an innate willingness and desire to behave and be governed as a unitary, yet multi-ethnic, nation. The conclusions suggest that while the Swiss case is necessarily an end-result of unique historical happenstance, the variables of stability are nevertheless universal and can be replicated by others living in distinct historical eras and geographical proximities. The lessons are of great value, then, to modern nationbuilding projects in Iraq, Sri Lanka, Israel/Palestine, Kashmir, Ireland/England, Spain and even in Canada.

Using a newly assembled dataset and drawing on fieldwork data from Malaysia and Singapore, Liu finds that how linguistic power is distributed--specifically whether a lingua franca is recognized exclusively or above all others--can generate social trust, attract foreign investment, and therefore indirectly promote economic growth.

Cultural anthrop'ts have not put emphasis upon the systematic analysis of conflict as a mode of interaction, but one meaningful interdisciplinary frame of reference is 'a consideration of the role which ethnic solidarities & interethnic conflict play in bringing into being, strengthening, or weakening & destroying national states.' 6 types of situations in Africa are distinguished: (1) a pol'al unit without a permanent European pop is administered by a European power & includes only one Africanethnic groups, (4) a group of permanently domiciled Europeans controls the state (5) independent African states composed of one or more ethnic groups, & (6) a large ethnic group has been divided between 2 or more pol'al units formed by European powers. Conflict between ethnic groups might take any of the following forms: latent, nascent, ritualized violent, of, suppressed conflict. Conflict in settler-occupied areas of Africa & the situation in Kenya are closely examined. I. Taviss.

The interwar period in Poland between 1919 and 1939 was punctuated by three significant crises in ethnic relations: the presidential succession of 1922, the Pilsudski coup of 1926, and the "pacification" of the Ukraine in 1930. This article is an attempt to sketch certain aspects of these crises based primarily on records of parliamentary debates. Within the walls of Parliament ethnic conflicts were aired and articulated openly. Here the claimants spoke to and with one another, rather than solely to their own particular clienteles.The number of non-Polish inhabitants within the frontiers of post-Versailles Poland has been variously estimated at between 30 and 45 percent of the total population, depending on the source, time, and method of classification used in the estimate.