Suchergebnisse

Рассматривается политическое содержание диалоговых механизмов власти и этноконфессиональных институтов гражданского общества в СКФО. Обосновывается политическая актуализация диалога власти и гражданского общества в его этнокультурной модели, группируются апробированные механизмы данного диалога в динамике этноконфессионального самоопределения в СКФО. ; The article examines the political content of dialogue mechanisms between public authorities and ethnic, religious civil society institutions in the North Caucasus Federal District. The author provide evidences for political actualization of dialogue between the authorities and civil society and ethnocultural model of communication. As a result, ethnic and cultural patterns and mechanisms of dialogue were systematized and grouped.

The article considers ethnocutural features of the motivation for reading as a core concept of library science, by the example of the needs of readers of the Tuva Republic. The author shows the correlation between the readers' motives and the political, social and cultural situation in the region. She presents the results of her investigation of the people's motives for reading and the motives' dependence on current values and norms of the Tuvinian society. It is defined that reading in an ethnic environment is a mandatory component of a national ethnic culture.

Iran and Christianity are not typically associated with one another in the modern period. However, in the context of the greater historical narrative, a connection becomes apparent, a montage showing that Christianity in Iran includes ethnic Iranian Christians from Assyrian and Armenian backgrounds as well as Western missionaries. Western missionaries came to Iran to convert Iranians, including ethnic Iranian Christians. In their efforts, their activity played a role in Iranian state and society. This paper examines the connection between the government and the Western missionary in the modern period, suggesting the influence was not completely positive.

For some time scholars and policy observers alike have suggested that "artificial," or foreign-drawn borders, are in fact to blame for ethnic conflicts in postcolonial states. So far, however, there has been no empirical evidence to support this assertion. This dissertation's contributions are twofold. First, I provide the first empirical evidence linking foreign-drawn borders with ethnic civil war outbreak, one-sided government violence against civilians, and foreign military intervention. Second, the dissertation provides a refined theory of forced cohabitation as a framework for understanding the relationships between these seemingly unconnected correlations.

Автор для аргументации своей научной позиции использует системный подход в рамках теории парадигмы пространства «геополитики Гор» в современном Кыргызстане на фоне системной трансформации. Рассматриваются причины разнопространственных расколов внутри государства между элитами, субэтническими и этническими сообществами, оппозицией и властью. ; A systemic approach has been used in the framework of the theory of space paradigm «Geopolitics of Mountains» for the analysis of modern Kyrgyzstan in the context of system transformation. The causes of diverse space splits between the elites, sub-ethnic and ethnic communities, the opposition and the government have been analyzed.

Empire and nation-state are two models of political order. Different concepts of belonging and legitimation form their basis. The Habsburg Empire and Romanov Dynasty entered the First World War as multi-ethnic empires. But in light of their structural deficits, they were not in a position master the military and socio-economic challenges that accompanied the war. The national movements gained in strength. While the multi-ethnic empires crumbled, new nation-states were founded on their rubble. But they too were marked by defects from the start. Adapted from the source document.

Nearly two decades after the end of its brutal war, Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia, for short) remains paralyzed by political corruption and ethnic mistrust. The country staggers from one constitutional crisis to another, the economy vegetates, many young people leave, and the rest of the world tunes out. Bosnia's political dysfunction results in large measure from the Constitution imposed by the peace agreement signed at Dayton, Ohio, in 1995. With its superfluity of local, regional, and national institutions, the Constitution perpetuates the ethnic divisions that, with other factors, were used to justify the war.

Nearly two decades after the end of its brutal war, Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia, for short) remains paralyzed by political corruption and ethnic mistrust. The country staggers from one constitutional crisis to another, the economy vegetates, many young people leave, and the rest of the world tunes out. Bosnia's political dysfunction results in large measure from the Constitution imposed by the peace agreement signed at Dayton, Ohio, in 1995. With its superfluity of local, regional, and national institutions, the Constitution perpetuates the ethnic divisions that, with other factors, were used to justify the war. Adapted from the source document.

"Fiji's army-backed interim regime is an organisation of indigenous Fijian power that paradoxically has been forged against supposed threats to the military and the multi-ethnic nation from Fijian ethnic extremism. It starkly highlights the importance of distinguishing between potentially accommodative institutional expressions of Fijian power and excluding Fijian nationalism. This difference is a feature of Fiji's political development that can be traced back over many decades to the times of Apolosi Nawai and Ratu Lala Sukuna. This paper examines episodes in the trajectory of Fijian power from those times to the present ." - page 1 ; AusAID

"Fiji's army-backed interim regime is an organisation of indigenous Fijian power that paradoxically has been forged against supposed threats to the military and the multi-ethnic nation from Fijian ethnic extremism. It starkly highlights the importance of distinguishing between potentially accommodative institutional expressions of Fijian power and excluding Fijian nationalism. This difference is a feature of Fiji's political development that can be traced back over many decades to the times of Apolosi Nawai and Ratu Lala Sukuna. This paper examines episodes in the trajectory of Fijian power from those times to the present ." - page 1

In this study we used the Interaction Anxiousness Scale (IAS; Leary, 1983) to explore current situations and compare various characteristics of social anxieties among Han, Tibetan, and Muslim ethnic groups in Qinghai Province, China. We found that, when compared to the population norm,
Han, Tibetan, and Muslim undergraduates recorded high IAS scores. There were significant gender differences in social anxiety levels, with females scoring higher than males. In terms of IAS scores gender differences among students from these 3 ethnic groups were found to be significant and
there were significant differences in IAS scores among the groups according to grade.

We examine empirically the impact of ethnic divisions on conflict, by using a specification based on Esteban and Ray (2011). That theory links conflict intensity to three indices of ethnic distribution: polarization, fractionalization, and the Gini-Greenberg index. The empirical analysis verifies that these distributional measures are significant correlates of conflict. These effects persist as we introduce country-specific measures of group cohesion and of the importance of public goods, and combine them with the distributional measures exactly as described by the theory. (JEL D63, D74, J15, O15, O17)

The Jewish community is known to be one of the most virile and dynamic among all the ethnic groups in the United States, and, certainly, the uppermost as regards its political influence. The reason is not the number of Jewish people in the country, which does not exceed 3%, but their high share in crucial spheres of public life. The Jews constitute, for instance, about 45% of public intellectuals, 30% of college professors, and 40% of top lawyers. The article deals with the history of the Jewish diaspora in the USA, its ethnic and religious differentiation.

AbstractEthnic differences are often considered to be powerful sources of diverse economic behaviour. In this article, we investigate to what extent ethnicity affects Ukrainian labour market outcomes. Using microdata from the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey and the Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition of earnings, we find a persistent and increasing labour market divide between ethnic Russians and Ukrainians throughout Ukraine's transition era. We establish that language, rather than nationality, is the key factor behind this ethnic premium favouring Russians. Our findings further document that this premium is larger amongst males than females.

AbstractThis study explores the effects of conflict on the identities of Sudanese refugees back in Sudan and then in Cairo, namely the experience of ambiguous, ambivalent, and conflicting identities. The conflict in Sudan caused multiple ruptures to the refugees' previously established identities. In Egypt, they come into contact and conflict with the host community, organizations, and fellow Sudanese from different regions or ethnic backgrounds, which creates tensions in religious, tribal, or ethnic identities. Such identity issues were manifested in extreme form during the tragic 2005 Sudanese refugee sit‐in. The conclusion sheds light on implications for conflict resolution.