Suchergebnisse

The understanding and clarification of important social events as themes must be derived from the hermeneutic code of the epoch. The millennial threshold was marked by processes of integration and particularisation, which were observed, as constitutive principle or principle of legitimate refutation, also in the bringing down of socialist orders and the establishment of supranational associations. Thus a discussion of the (empirical) position and (normative) status of ethnic minorities must as well be positioned in a universal European context, in which the predominant role is played by liberal theory and liberal practice. In societies going through transformation from ideological to legal state, answers to multi-ethnic needs must be sought in the patterns of liberal philosophy, taking into account (a) the delusion of Western theory that the change of regime brings about a spontaneous springing up of liberal institutions from the socialist ruins, and (b) the possible disproof of the assertion that the recognition of collective rights of ethnic minorities violates the liberal principle of universal equality of citizens as abstract members of the state. On the other hand, it is necessary to understand and acknowledge the historical heritage when solving the issue of ethnic minority rights in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, since the issue was absorbed in their authoritarian past by the ideological supranational programme. All the falsity of the "state of peoples and ethnicities" was fully exposed at the outset of transition, when the regime crisis arose coupled with the crisis of state identity. The states which divided themselves and seceded did fall apart exactly along the lines of the ethnic components. It is precisely in view of the described experience (along with the "surplus of violence" syndrome) that the post-Yugoslavian consolidation necessarily requires institutional guarantee and practical recognition of particular ethnic identities. Adapted from the source document.

The understanding and clarification of important social events as themes must be derived from the hermeneutic code of the epoch. The millennial threshold was marked by processes of integration and particularisation, which were observed, as constitutive principle or principle of legitimate refutation, also in the bringing down of socialist orders and the establishment of supranational associations. Thus a discussion of the (empirical) position and (normative) status of ethnic minorities must as well be positioned in a universal European context, in which the predominant role is played by liberal theory and liberal practice. In societies going through transformation from ideological to legal state, answers to multi-ethnic needs must be sought in the patterns of liberal philosophy, taking into account (a) the delusion of Western theory that the change of regime brings about a spontaneous springing up of liberal institutions from the socialist ruins, and (b) the possible disproof of the assertion that the recognition of collective rights of ethnic minorities violates the liberal principle of universal equality of citizens as abstract members of the state. On the other hand, it is necessary to understand and acknowledge the historical heritage when solving the issue of ethnic minority rights in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, since the issue was absorbed in their authoritarian past by the ideological supranational programme. All the falsity of the "state of peoples and ethnicities" was fully exposed at the outset of transition, when the regime crisis arose coupled with the crisis of state identity. The states which divided themselves and seceded did fall apart exactly along the lines of the ethnic components. It is precisely in view of the described experience (along with the "surplus of violence" syndrome) that the post-Yugoslavian consolidation necessarily requires institutional guarantee and practical recognition of particular ethnic identities. Adapted from the source document.

Odricanje od multikulturalizma u praksi suvremene liberalne države ("multikulturalizam je mrtav"), ali djelomično i u liberalnoj teoriji, zanemaruje činjenicu da su je multietničnost društveno stanje neovisno o ideologiji i da je preživjelo "kraj povijesti". Zaboravlja se i to da su politike multikulturalnosti postojale i prije nego što je konstituirana liberalna država. Ukoliko se u obzir uzmu ove činjenice, onda se problem odnosa suvremene liberalne države prema multietničnosti čini još kompliciranijim od konstatacije da je multikulturalizam među prvim žrtvama krize globalnog liberalizma. Ako se pomirimo s činjenicom da je multietničnost fenomen koji je prežvljavao i najveća moralna srozavanja civilizacija, onda se moramo upustiti u raspravu i promišljanja o tome – kakve politike multikulturalnosti odgovaraju suvremenoj liberalnoj državi. ; Waiver of multiculturalism in practice of modern liberal state ("multiculturalism is dead"), partly in liberal theory too, ignores the fact that the societal multi-ethnic situation exists independently of ideology, and that it has survived even "the end of history." It is also forgotten that the policy of multiculturalism existed before the liberal state was constituted. If we take into account these facts, the problem of relationship of modern liberal state and multi-ethnicity becomes even more complicated than just being among the first victims of the crisis of global liberalism. If we accept the fact that the multi-ethnic phenomenon has persisted even after the biggest moral degradation of civilization, then we have to engage in discussion and reflection on – how the policy of multiculturalism corresponds with the liberal state.

Polazište ovog članka je u tvrdnji da doktrina narodnog samoodređenja i dalje ostaje jedna od najparadoksalnijih, najkontroverznijih, ali istodobno i najuspješnijih doktrina, koja i dalje u velikoj mjeri doprinosi oblikovanju postojećeg međunarodnog sustava nacionalnih država. U članku se tvrdi da je ta doktrina, čija je namjera bila da sačuva mir i ljudsko dostojanstvo, uvijek bila u samom srcu mnogih sukoba. Ovaj članak analizira paradokse i kontroverze koji su sadržani u toj doktrini, počevši od napetosti između univerzalnosti doktrine narodnog samoodređenja s jedne, i posebnosti nekog konkretnog zahtjeva za narodno samoodređenje neke nacionalne grupe s druge strane. Ti paradoksi i kontroverze odnose se na širok spektar pitanja: od političkih izazova i pitanja legitimnosti same nacionalne države, koja se na taj način stvara, do činjenice da je doktrina narodnog samoodređenja zapravo stvar međunarodne politike, a ne tek puko unutarnje, tj. nacionalno pitanje. Ne odbacujemo samu doktrinu samoodređenja, nego zaključujemo – u zadnjem (devetom) paradoksu – da se njena uspješnost ili neuspješnost ne smije mjeriti brojem država koje su nastale na taj način, nego u kojoj je mjeri ona uspješna u pretvaranju postojećih država u "sigurne kuće" za sve jasnije definirane nacionalne grupe. ; This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.