Zašto naš narod u Austriji propada
In: Biblioteka Srpski pregled
In: Serija Lik prošlosti knjiga 6
In: Библиотека Српски преглед
In: Серија Лик прошлости књига 6
In: Biblioteka Srpski pregled
In: Serija Lik prošlosti knjiga 6
In: Библиотека Српски преглед
In: Серија Лик прошлости књига 6
In: Politička misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 99-108
The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of the European immigrant countries towards the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in the individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect these differences in the understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then goes on to deal more specifically with the presence of the Muslim population in West-European countries, the population that - perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" - is torn between the Westeuropean practice of ethnic and increasingly cultural discrimination, and a belief in liberalism and pluralism. ln connection with this, the role of Islam and the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West- European countries is analyzed. (SOI : PM: S. 108)
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 25-49
The author has tried to prove that interethnic relations in democracy cannot be handled solely by means of legal, economic and institutional means; political culture, i.e. civic democratic political culture can have a significant role. The analysis has shown that there is room for the build-up of a trans-national democratic citizenry, free from all ascriptive criteria and identities such as religion, ethnicity, etc. It has also revealed how classic liberalism neglects various identities (ethnic, national etc.) while communitarian liberalism overlooks the excluding force of various identities. It has also demonstrated that there are several concepts of civic identities (liberal, communitarian and social/group) and that each of these concepts can exert profound influence on the relationship between citizens and their political community. And finally, the relation between patriotism and inter-ethnic relations in democracy are reviewed. Patriotism, in the circumstances of growing social pluralisation, and despite a plethora of political integrations, can play a prominent role in bridging the political and cultural atomisations and conflicts in society. It can undertake this role only if constituted in th civic and not the crude (fixed) ethnic sense - though the national defines the limits and the meaning of this constitution - provided it evolves into the loyalty to one's homeland and going hand in hand with the development of democracy and human rights. In short, the purpose of this paper is to provide evidence that it is necessary to expand democratic political culture which might aid in resolving intricate and sensitive relations among various ethnic and cultural communities. Patriotism can assume a decisive role in this. It lays down the limits and legitimacy to each meaningful political discourse and to each genuine political subject. (SOI : PM: S. 49)
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 191-202
World Affairs Online
The aim of this study was to determine whether there is a difference between female abstinents in Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of certain demographics (age, education, rural-urban, party and ethnicity) and socio-psychological characteristics (interest in politics, the ways of getting their information about politics, trust in institutions, dogmatism, nationalism, cosmopolitanism, the end justifies the means, the attitude towards the leader, conservatism, liberalism and authoritarianism). The study was conducted in the first half of March 2013, on a sample of 483 adult women who did not plan to vote in the upcoming elections, who in the past six years (three election cycles) either voted occasionally, or they voted, but have no intention of voting again, or they have never voted. We started from the assumption that the different modes of political abstinence differ with respect to the measured variables. The results show that the three categories of women abstinents differ in terms of certain socio-demographic variables: age, education, ethnicity, party affiliation and religious beliefs. There are differences among respondents concerning political interests. The greatest interest was found among the respondents who manipulate their turning out to the polls, followed by those who were disappointed in the elections, while the slightest interest in politics was among the respondents who have never voted. Television is still the dominant medium for getting information about political events, the second and third ones are newspapers and radio, but they are much less influential. Yet among the three categories of women abstinents significant differences were found only regarding television and radio. Three categories of women abstinents differ only in cosmopolitanism and liberalism variables. There is a difference between women abstinents in their confidence in institutions. The most trust in institutions is found in women who occasionally took part in the elections, followed by those who voted, but no longer do so. The least trust in institutions is found among women who have never voted. ; Cilj ovog istraživanja je ustanoviti da li postoji razlika među apstinenticama u Bosni i Hercegovini prema određenim demografskim (starost, obrazovanje, selo-grad, stranačka i etnička pripadnost) i socio-psihološkim karakteristikama (zainteresovanost za politiku, način informisanja o politici, povjerenje u institucije, dogmatizam, nacionalizam, kosmopolitizam, cilj opravdava sredstvo, odnos prema vođi, konzervativizam, konzervativistička autoritarnost i liberalizam). Istraživanje je provedeno u prvoj polovini marta 2013. godine na uzorku od 483 punoljetne žene koje ne planiraju da glasaju na predstojećim izborima, a koje su u posljednjih šest godina (tri izborna ciklusa) nekad glasale, a nekad ne, glasale su, ali više neće, ili nikad nisu glasale. Pošli smo od pretpostavke da će različiti modaliteti političke apstinencije da se razlikuju s obzirom na mjerene varijable. Dobijeni rezultati pokazuju da se tri kategorije apstinentica razlikuju po pojedinim sociodemografskim varijablama: starost, obrazovanje, etnička i stranačka pripadnost i vjerska ubjeđenja. Ispitanice se međusobno razlikuju i zainteresovanošću za politiku. Najveće interesovanje nalazimo kod ispitanica koje manipulišu svojim izlaskom na izbore, a slijede one koje su se razočarale u izbore, dok je zainteresovanost za politiku najmanja kod ispitanica koje uopšte ne glasaju na izborima. Televizija je još uvijek dominantan medij za informisanje o političkim dešavanjima, dok su na drugom i trećem mjestu dnevne novine i radio, ali su znatno manje uticajni. Ipak, između tri kategorije apstinentica nalazimo značajne razlike samo kod televizije i radija. Tri kategorije apstinentica se međusobno razlikuju samo po varijablama kosmopolitizam i liberalizam. Prisutna je i razlika između apstinentica po njihovom povjerenju u institucije. Najviše povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nekad izlaze, a nekad ne izlaze na izbore, slijede ispitanice koje su glasale, ali više neće. Najmanje povjerenja u institucije nalazimo kod ispitanica koje nikad ne glasaju.
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In: Politička misao, Band 52, Heft 2, S. 62-82
World Affairs Online
Škole se širom sveta nalaze pred novim zahtevima, a jedan od njih, posebno izražen u neoliberalnoj eri i kulturi revizije, jeste standardizacija uspeha učenika preuzeta iz sveta ekonomije. Mišljenja o standardizaciji uspeha učenika ili škola su podeljena. Sistematski smo analizirali relevantnu literaturu kako bismo istražili različita viđenja standarda. Standardi se smatraju dobrim pokazateljima koji omogućavaju poređnje među državama i pružaju smernice za inovacije i/ili reforme, pošto su obrazovni sistemi tradicionalno zasnovani na implicitnim standardima. Postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda olakšava posao nastavnicima i učenicima jer znaju šta se od njih očekuje. Osnovu ovakvog pristupa čini verovanje političara da mogu jasno prepoznati šta bi studenti trebalo da znaju i za šta bi trebalo da budu osposobljeni. Protivnici ovakvom mišljenju smatraju da je postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda inherentno štetno jer može umanjiti kvalitet onoga što se meri. Standardi se ne odnose na potpunu valorizaciju studenata, niti na kompetencije važne za uključivanje u svet rada. Uspeh učenika ima višestruke ciljeve koji se ne odražavaju u standardizovanim testovima, a moguće je i preusmeravanje resursa s jedne grupe učenika na druge, što često nije opravdano ili transparentno. Standardizacija uspeha učenika stvorena je analogijom sa privredom po kojoj studenti postaju ,,proizvodi", a njihovo ponašanje se definiše kao ,,izlazne veštine", ,,kompetencije" i ,,ishodi". Postavljanje standarda počiva na implicitnoj pretpostavci da je obrazovni proces kulturološki neutralan i da ne uzima u obzir etničku pripadnost i društvenu klasu, ali pokušava da homogenizuje učenike stavljajući ih u kvantifikovane kategorije. Sam koncept standarda je nejasan. Stoga, standardizacija baca senku na romantičnu predstavu o poslovnom sektoru kao primeru dobre prakse i iziskuje redefinisanje cilja i svrhe obrazovanja. ; There are new demands for schools around the world, and one of them, particularly expressed in the neoliberal era and audit culture, is standardization of student achievements that has been transferred from the world of economics. The opinions about standardization of student or academic achievements are not united. We used systematic analysis of relevant literature to explore different perspectives on standards. Standards are considered to be a good indicator that allows cross-national comparisons and provides guidance for innovation and/or reform, since education systems are traditionally based on implicit standards. Setting explicit standards makes work easier for teachers and students because they know what is expected from them. The basic foundation of this approach is the politicians' conviction that they can clearly identify what students need to know and what they need to be capable of. The opponents believe that setting explicit standards is inherently damaging because it can reduce the quality of what is measured. Standards do not allow for full valorisation of students or competences that are important for inclusion in the world of work. Student achievement has multiple goals that are not reflected in standardized tests, and it is also possible to redirect resources from one group of students to others, which is often not justified or transparent. Standardization of student achievement was created by analogy to industry, whereby students become "products", and their behaviour is defined as "exit skills", "competences" and "outcomes". Setting standards rests on the implicit assumption that educational process is culturally neutral and does not take into account ethnicity and social class, but tries to homogenize students by placing them in quantified categories. The mere construct standard, is not clear. For this reason, standardization casts a shadow on romantic presentation of the business sector as the example of good practice, and requires redefining the goal and purpose of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
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