Suchergebnisse

Politische Partizipation von Jugendlichen.

Themen: Politikinteresse allgemein sowie auf lokaler, nationaler,
europäischer und internationaler Ebene; Rezeptionshäufigkeit
politischer Themen in den Medien und hauptsächlich genutztes Medium;
Politikinteresse des Vaters und der Mutter sowie des besten Freundes
bzw. der besten Freundin; Wichtigkeit übereinstimmender politischer
Ansichten im Freundeskreis; Wahlberechtigung, Wahlbeteiligung und
Wahlverhalten bei der letzten allgemeinen Wahl sowie bei den Wahlen zum
Europäischen Parlament 2004; Formen und Häufigkeit politischer
Partizipation im letzten Jahr (Skala); Beteiligung an politischen
Protesten; Unterstützung einer Wahlkampagne bzw. politische
Überzeugungsarbeit; ausgewählte politische Partizipation in der Schule
und am Arbeitsplatz; Mitgliedschaften in Organisationen, Vereinen bzw.
einer Partei; Teilnahme an Veranstaltungen oder freiwillige Arbeit in
einer Organisation; Häufigkeit eigener Meinungsführerschaft; politische
Selbsteinschätzung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum (5- und
11-Punkte-Skala) Einschätzung der Position des Vaters, der Mutter und
des besten Freundes bzw. der besten Freundin auf einem
Links-Rechts-Kontinuum (5-Punkte-Skala); Teilnahmehäufigkeit der
vorgenannten Personen an Demonstrationen und Wahlen;
Diskussionshäufigkeit über politische Themen mit dem Vater, der Mutter,
Geschwistern, Freunden, dem Lehrer, dem Partner sowie mit
Arbeitskollegen, Mitschülern bzw. Studienkollegen; politische
Wirksamkeit (Skalometer: efficacy); Kompliziertheit der Politik führt
zu Unverständnis; Identifikation als Weltbürger, Europäer, Bürger des
Nationalstaates, einer Region oder einer Firma bzw. der Familie;
Einstellung zu politischer Aktivität (Skala); Parteinähe zu den
wichtigsten Parteien des Landes; Einschätzung der zukünftigen
persönlichen Einkommenssituation, der Arbeitsplatzsituation, der
sozialen Absicherung, der Lebensqualität und der Aus- und Weiterbildung
im Vergleich mit der derzeitigen Situation der Eltern (erwartete
soziale Mobilität); Wichtigkeit ausgewählter Probleme für das eigene
Land (Umweltverschmutzung, Armut, Einwandererzahl, Rassismus, Abbau des
Sozialstaates, Arbeitslosigkeit, Drogen, Verbrechen und Terrorismus);
Zufriedenheit mit der Arbeit der Regierung des Landes.

Optionaler Teil (nicht in allen Ländern gefragt): Einstellung zu
Politik und Image der Politik (Skala); Einstellung zu
gesellschaftspolitischen Fragen: Todesstrafe, härtere Bestrafung für
Vergehen, Erziehung von Kindern zum Gehorsam, Führungspersönlichkeit
oder demokratische Entscheidungen, Akzeptanz von mehr Flüchtlingen im
eigenen Land, zu viele Einwanderer, Kulturverlust des Landes in der EU,
Forderung nach Frauenrechten, mehr Frauen in die Politik,
unterschiedliche Gesetzesanwendung bei Reichen und Armen, Reichtum von
Fabrikanten auf Kosten ihrer Arbeiter, Privatisierung aller
öffentlichen Firmen, freie Marktwirtschaft, Wohlfahrtsstaat,
Arbeitslosigkeit als Selbstverschulden, Verzicht auf staatliche
Unterstützung, zu großer Einfluss internationaler Konzerne sowie
Zustimmung zu Antiglobalisierungsbewegungen; Institutionenvertrauen in:
die Regierung, politische Parteien, das Landesparlament, Politiker, die
Europäische Kommission, das Europäische Parlament, Greenpeace, Amnesty
International und Attac; politischer Kenntnistest anhand ausgewählter
Aussagen zur EU und zu nationalen politischen Gegebenheiten.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsmonat und Geburtsjahr);
Staatsbürgerschaft; Geburtsland; Kinder; Erwerbstätigkeit;
Wochenarbeitszeit; Alter bei Schulabschluss; höchster Schulabschluss
des Befragten, seines Vaters und seiner Mutter; Wohnsituation (wohnen
bei den Eltern); Selbsteinschätzung des derzeitigen Lebensstandards;
Konfession; Selbsteinschätzung der Religiosität; Urbanisierungsgrad.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Interviewergeschlecht; Intervieweralter;
Politikinteresse des Interviewers; Intervieweridentifikation;
Gewichtungen; Erhebungszeitraum (Slowakei).

Europabürgertum und Leben in einem anderen EU-Land.

Themen: Europabürgertum oder Präferenz für eigene
Nationalität; Kenntnis einer Antragsmöglichkeit zum
Unionsbürger; Vorstellbarkeit einer gleichzeitigen Identität
als Unionsbürger und Nationalbürger; Stolz, Unionsbürger zu
sein; Nationalstolz; Kenntnis der Rechte eines Unionsbürgers
wie z.B. des aktiven und passiven Wahlrechts bei Kommunal- und
Europawahlen, freie Arbeitsplatzwahl, Reisen ohne
Grenzkontrollen, Inanspruchnahme aller Botschaften der EU-
Mitgliedsländer, Beschwerderecht beim Europaparlament,
Anspruch auf einen europäischen Paß, Gleichbehandlung mit den
Bürgern des Aufenthaltslandes; Aufenthaltsrecht in allen
Mitgliedstaaten; allgemeines Interesse an einem dauerhaften
Aufenthalt in einem anderen EU-Land sowie im Falle von
Arbeitslosigkeit im eigenen Land, zum Studium bzw. zur
Fortbildung sowie als Altersruhesitz; mögliche Ängste beim
Daueraufenthalt in einem anderen EU-Land bezüglich des
Verlustes der Rentenansprüche, des Anspruchsverlusts auf
Arbeitslosenunterstützung, Krankenversicherungsansprüche,
Benachteiligung gegenüber den inländischen Arbeitskollegen,
Angst vor Zahlung vermehrter Steuern und Verwaltungskosten,
Status als Fremder im Aufenthaltsland, Befürchtung vermehrter
Bürokratie und Furcht vor Ausweisung im Falle von
Arbeitslosigkeit; vermutetes Mitspracherecht von Unionsbürgern
bei Entscheidungen der Europäischen Union; Parteipräferenz
(Sonntagsfrage).

In an era of increasing political challenges to global and regional organizations, it is crucial to understand how they claim legitimacy and how successful they are in this respect. Yet, we know surprisingly little about the sources and consequences of legitimation in most regional organizations worldwide. In this project, we thus map the legitimation strategies of a sample of 28 organizations between 1980 and 2019.

Regional organizations in the sample:
Africa
- Organization of African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU)
- Central African Economic and Monetary Union (CEMAC)
- Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)
- East African Community (EAC)
- Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
- Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
- Southern African Customs Union (SACU)
- Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Asia-Pacific
- Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
- Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
- Pacific Island Forum (PIF)
- South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
- Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)
Americas
- Andean Pact/Andean Community (CAN)
- Caribbean Community (CARICOM)
- Common Market of the South (Mercosur)
- Organization of American States (OAS)
- Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS)
- Central American Integration System (SICA)
Europe
- Council of Europe (COE)
- European Free Trade Association (EFTA)
- European Union (EU)
- Nordic Council (NordC)
Cross-Regional
- Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
- Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
- League of Arab States (LoAS)
- Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC)
- Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)

The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) was first conducted in Germany in 2005 under the name "Live in Europe". For this survey, around 14.000 private households and the persons aged 16 and older living in them are interrogated on a voluntary basis.The emphasis of this survey is on personal and household income, living conditions of the household, health of the respondents, questions on childcare, on employment, and on the assessment of ones finalcial situation. In addition, there are survey emphases that change anually. The EU statistics on income and living conditions is designed as a rotating panel, so it allows for cross section as well as longitudinal section analyses.
The survey years are only processed up to 2013. If you are interested in using more up-to-date data, please consider using the Eurostat data supply. Further information on the method can also be found on the Eurostat homepage.

The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) was first conducted in Germany in 2005 under the name "Live in Europe". For this survey, around 14.000 private households and the persons aged 16 and older living in them are interrogated on a voluntary basis.The emphasis of this survey is on personal and household income, living conditions of the household, health of the respondents, questions on childcare, on employment, and on the assessment of ones finalcial situation. In addition, there are survey emphases that change anually. The EU statistics on income and living conditions is designed as a rotating panel, so it allows for cross section as well as longitudinal section analyses.
The survey years are only processed up to 2013. If you are interested in using more up-to-date data, please consider using the Eurostat data supply. Further information on the method can also be found on the Eurostat homepage.

The European Commission's Eurobarometer surveys provide important data for social sciences in the broadest sense. Originally conceived as an opinion barometer on European integration, Eurobarometers are now large-scale surveys that regularly cover important public life issues in addition to a core of standard issues. In this way, a set of comparable data is produced in Europe.

The International Social Survey Program (ISSP) consists of a basic module, which is selected from a group of about ten thematic areas. The environment, social networks, religion, social inequalities and the role of government are the main themes of the latest surveys. Until 1999, Swiss participation in the ISSP was ensured by various research teams; since 2000, SIDOS has been a member of the ISSP and thus responsible for conducting this study in Switzerland. Meanwhile more than 35 nations participate in the ISSP survey.

The Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) has commissioned SIDOS to conduct the Eurobarometer survey of the European Union Commission and the ISSP survey in Switzerland once a year as part of the "Switzerland towards the future" priority programme. The first "Eurobaometer in Switzerland" survey was launched in autumn 1999. From 2000, questions from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) were added to the Eurobarometer in Switzerland questionnaire.

Since the data are collected regularly, Switzerland can be analysed in a combined cross-cutting comparison. In this way, peculiarities as well as similarities of Switzerland would become systematically identifiable.

This year's representative survey of the Swiss resident population contains questions on the following topic groups: Family and partnership, relations with Switzerland and its institutions, national identity, immigration.

The European Union (EU) as the flagship of supra-nationalism is in a severe crisis. Its legitimacy is increasingly questioned by populist and nationalist parties which claim that the political elites and procedures have become detached from the people and that immigrants endanger the welfare and the culture of the autochthonous population. In this context, the project investigates the potential of transnational citizenship and voting opportunities as current and future pathways contributing to reduce the distance between the people and politicians and to overcome the dichotomy between migrants and sedentary populations.
Based on normative theorizing, current empirical tendencies, and existing ideas, we first develop two proposals for transnationalizing voting spaces on the European and on the national level. The first proposal lays out how voters from EU member states could vote for parties from other member states in the election to the European Parliament. The second proposal envisions that voters from other EU member states could elect (a limited number of) representatives in the national parliament of each EU member state. These proposals build on and expand current trends to allow voting beyond the confines of territory (requirement: residency) and nationality (requirement: citizenship).
Second, with the help of a pan-European Electronic Voting Advice Application (VAA), we will gather information not only about the current extent of transnational voting (by external and dual citizens) and transnational campaigning of parties. We will also find out whether and where people and parties are willing to support and use those further opportunities for transnational voting that we lay out in our two proposals. VAAs play a double role in our project: Conceptually, they are necessary preconditions for making our proposals viable. Empirically, a VAA that we will set up together with the European University Institute in Florence will create the data for our and further scientific studies.Finally, our project brings together two strands of research: The first strand of research is concerned with citizenship rights and practices beyond the realm of the Westphalian nation state, while the second deals with the design of electoral systems for multi-national polities. We will test whether voters and parties are mainly driven by polity-centered considerations (interest in and identification with particular or multiple nation states or with the EU) or by policy-centered considerations (policy positions and preferences).
Altogether, the project will stimulate the discussion about a third transnational pathway for securing the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Union beyond supranationalism and nationalism. It will tremendously expand our empirical knowledge out the current level of transnational orientations and practices of people and parties in Europe, and at the same time we will find out whether and where people and parties support expanded options for transnational voting. Furthermore, the project will allow us to keep at the forefront of research dealing with VAAs. Finally, the gained insights might be stimulating for other multi-lingual or multi-national democratic systems.

Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.

Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.

The aim of the project is to clarify the relationship between social and political forms of civic involvement. Participation in clubs, associations, self-help groups, citizens' initiatives and organisations of all kinds is understood as a mechanism of social integration that is linked to other integration bodies - the family, work, the neighbourhood and the circles of friends - in mutual dependence. Political participation is considered the centerpiece of democratic integration. Traditional forms of political integration are in crisis. Decreasing participation in elections and votes as well as organisational problems of parties and other conventional interest groups (especially trade unions) can be observed in various countries, including Switzerland. Systematic-empirical comparative studies have shown, however, that despite these erosion phenomena liberal democracy is not fundamentally threatened in its existence. Alternative forms of political and social integration have gained in importance in the political process. New types of organisations such as informal networks, self-help groups, citizens' initiatives and unconventional forms of political participation have increased to such an extent that there is talk of a "participation boom" and a new "civil society solidarity". These two opposing trends, and in particular the uncertainty as to how they are to be interpreted, have led to a variety of social science debates: Communitarianism, for example, sees the family, the neighbourhood and non-governmental organizations as antipodes to the self-destructive forces released by liberalism and individualized claim thinking.
With the radical changes in Eastern and Central Europe, the concept of civic society has once again gained in importance. This provides for a strong network of intermediary organisations, which mediates between the macro-level of the state and the economic structures and the micro-level of the individual, as a necessity for the establishment and consolidation of democratic systems. A third debate concerns the concept of social capital. This raises the question to what extent social trust and the ability and willingness to work in voluntary organisations determine the efficiency and effectiveness of democracies and economic growth. Despite the many debates, the connection between social and political forms of participation is still unclear: On the one hand, participation in the social sphere serves integration, the articulation and mediation of interests and is partly understood as a "school of democracy" - especially with regard to learning democratic decision-making on a small scale. On the other hand, social (or non-state) forms of organization can have anti-democratic effects - e.g. the "dark side" of social capital such as rigid social control, intolerance towards outsiders or corruption. Furthermore, social participation as an institutional reality can serve as a basis for recruiting and mobilising political participation, but it also takes up resources of time and energy, which can lead to the depoliticisation of committed individuals. Political commitment therefore also competes with other leisure activities - especially with regard to "voluntary" activities; politics as such loses relative importance for the individual engaged in the social sphere. With the help of a general population survey and an in-depth organisational study at local level, the political function of social participation is to be examined. This project forms the Swiss part of an international comparative study of the ESF network "Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy".