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"The general object of the union shall be to meet the needs of the American university and college men who are in Europe for military or other service in the cause of the allies." ; Mode of access: Internet.

The plans for Economic and Monetary Union in Europe became difficult to achieve during the period 1992-1993. The convergence criteria set up in the Maastricht Treaty block the road towards unification. It is very complex to expect twelve governments with different shades of political colour and twelve states with different economic interests to compromise in such criteria (as inflation, government borrowing, exchange rate stability and interest rates) and eventually, speak with one voice at the end of this decade. This current research provides significant modifications in The Maastricht Treaty , policy making, objectives, even changes in political behavior for better coordination to tackle any turbulence that stands on the way. These changes were unveiled and supported by outside views. The right time for transition to the monetary union depends on the rate of progress in Europe in meeting the stability requirements and in the willingness to move to a more developed political union. Monetary Union could occur late in 1990s but with a number of members left out with major dominant the Germany than the EMS.

"A publication of the Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Libro de Investigación ; El libro recoge la evolución y tendencias de las principales políticas socioeconómicas existentes en la Unión Europea ; The book includes the evolution and trends of the main socio-economic policies in the European Union ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

We study the evolution of union density in 14 European countries over the postwar period in light of theoretical rationales for union membership. Unions offer not only wage bargaining strength, but also protection against uninsurable labour market risks, and similar protection may also be offered by labour market institutions. Empirically, such institutions as job security legislation and wage indexation do appear to crowd out unions. Conversely, institutional features that make it easier for unions to function (such as workplace representation and centralized wage bargaining) are empirically associated with higher unionization.

Abstracts This article is about the evolution of Europe after the Second World War from a Union for coal and steel to a common market and a political union, the European Union with a common currency – the Euro. The ups and down of the process of economic and social integration are addressed, as well as the possible ways towards the future. This future could either mean a new treaty from above or a better founding from the bottom. The Nobel Peace Prize for the European Union is supposed to be a burden but also a stimulus for further political integration and sustainable development. Dieser Artikel behandelt die Europas nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg von einer Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl zu einem gemeinsamen Markt und einer politischen Union mit einer gemeinsamen Währung – dem Euro. Die Aufs und Abs der ökonomischen und sozialen Integration werden angesprochen, ebenso wie die möglichen Wege in die Zukunft. Die Zukunft könnte entweder einen neuen Vertrag von oben oder besser eine Grundlegung von unten bedeuten. Der Friedensnobelpreis für die Europäische Union mag sowohl eine Bürde aber auch eine Ermunterung für weitere politische Integration sowie nachhaltige Entwicklung sein.

Even though Europe presently represents one of the richest parts of the Globe, traces of poverty are to be seen even within this continent, including European Union member states. Disprivileged people are stuck in their deprived positions due to lack of education, ethnicity, gender, age, health. The elimination of poverty, at least in such a location as Europe, is theoratically quite possible. However; it appears that an implicit rule stipulates the very existence of poor people in affluent societies, as a number of sociologists have determined for sure.

-The European Union's capital markets union (CMU) plan is in urgent need of a revamp. Because of Brexit, EU capital markets and supervision need to become more integrated. The ongoing deep recession increases the need for equity finance mobilised by capital markets. -The eleven EU countries in central and south-eastern Europe which joined the EU in 2004 and after (EU11) are particularly affected by the ongoing consolidation of exchanges, which has diminished liquidity in smaller markets and in the traded securities of mid-sized companies. -Corporate funding remains even more bank-dependent in the EU11 than in the rest of the EU. Equity capital, whether in the form of listed shares or directly supplied by investment funds, is particularly underdeveloped. Even though the sustained and superior growth record in the region compared to the rest of the EU should be a magnet for investors, cross-border exposure to traded equity in the region remains very limited. -To gain broader acceptance in all EU countries, CMU will need to support more forcefully funding for small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and foster market integration throughout the single market, including outside the euro area. -The immediate priorities for the EU should be to revise market regulation and facilitate capital market access by smaller firms. Lighter standards in dedicated SME markets should be widened for newly-listed companies, but should not be available to more mature listed companies. In this way, high standards of transparency and integrity, which have been bolstered by post-financial crisis regulation, will be preserved. -The EU11 countries need to embrace corporate governance rules and greater transparency of company financial data, which would facilitate equity finance. They must also attract investors who will seek disclosure of environmental, social and governance performance of issuers. Much could be done to foster liquidity on national exchanges, including by embracing the inevitable further consolidation of exchanges and other infrastructure.

Government bond markets in the Euro Area are highly fragmented causing further fragmentation in bond and equity markets. Capital Markets Union with fully integrated capital markets across member countries can only work when the status of member country sovereign bonds as risk-free assets is restored. Banking Union and fiscal union are both required for this outcome. However, the Banking Union remains an unfinished project without a European deposit insurance framework and there is little consensus at the moment for a fiscal union in the Euro Area. It appears thus that the fate of the Capital Markets Union solely rests with the European Central Bank in the near to medium term.

In this paper, I address an under-studied question in the comparative political economy of migration. How have trade unions shaped the attitudes of their members toward immigration? Unions are at the core of left wing politics in most European countries, and support for immigration is usually a left-wing position. However, many of the core constituents of unions are those whose interests are most adversely affected by an increase in the supply of labor. I show that the pattern of of European trade union leaders becoming supportive of open immigration policies (identified in previous literature) has solidified over the past decade. After discussing how unions have overcome the key economic dilemma in their rhetoric, I provide evidence that this rhetoric has shaped the attitudes of union members, that the effect has become stronger over time, and that the effect is (mostly) robust to the exclusion of countries where self-selection into unions on the basis of ideology is likely to be strongest.

[extract] The relationship between the European Union and the citizens of Europe has been a constant matter of debate since the failure of the European Constitutional Treaty after the referendums in France and the Netherlands. The national referendum on the suggestions of the European Union concerning the Greek crisis, launched by the former Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and the discussion of Great Britain's possible withdrawal from the EU ("Brexit") have shown that this relationship remains a crucial issue for the European Union, even or maybe especially in times of crisis. Since the failure of the Constitutional Treaty the EU has become more aware of the central role of the citizens of Europe for the success of the European Union. The sometimes sceptically termed "elite driven project" EU therefore has put a lot of effort in the so called "Europe of the citizens", trying to enhance civic participation at EU level. These efforts are part of a wider discussion concerning the so called "democratic deficit" of the EU. With the last comprehensive Reform Treaty of the EU, the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), which could only come into force after the second and then positive referendum of the Irish people, the member states have tried again to redress the "democratic deficit" of the EU. One of the major improvements for the democratic legitimacy of the EU has again been – as in every EU Reform Treaty – the increase of power for the European Parliament. Besides new rules concerning the election of the European Parliament and rules to strenghten the role of national parliaments in the EU, the member states have also created a new participatory opportunity for European citizens, the European Citizens' Initiative in article 11 para. 4 TEU. With the European Citizens' Initiative the European Union gives the European citizens (consisting of a minimum number from at least 7 of the 28 member states) a tool to suggest a legislative act to the Commission.The Citizens' Initiative constitutes the first attempt to introduce an element of direct democracy in the European Union and it also represents the first attempt worldwide to introduce direct democracy into an international organization. The paper wants to adress the relationship between Europe and the European citizens from different perspectives. The first chapter shall deal with the structure of the European Union as an international organization and shall pose the question how democracy as a principle fits into that structure (I.). The chapter shall also describe the various forms of democratic elements in the European Union. The second chapter is supposed to sketch the "European citizen" as an idea of the European Union taking up the citizenship of the European Union (II.). The third chapter is dedicated to scrutinizing the participatory possibilities for European citizens (III.). In that context I also want to display some data how the new European Citizens' Initiative has been working practically so far. The summary will be able to shed some light on the relationship between Europe and the European citizen (IV.).

Comprend : Autres auteurs : Rey, José ; Carlotti, Sébastian ; Appartient à l'ensemble documentaire : BnSP000

Free movement is intended to bring Europeans together. This article suggests it may have the opposite effect: it may drive them apart. The mechanism involved is sorting. This happens when people are free to choose where to live, and choose a community which matches their preferences. This match can come about in different ways, but the result of them all is that people of particular preferences are clustered together, leading to society being structured as a series of adjacent mono-cultures. It is not a large step to suggest that this arrangement is likely to cause alienation between the communities. The fact of sorting means that they have less in common than they did before. For Europe, if sorting happens, this would imply that polarization between states would increase and the governability of the EU would be threatened. Free movement may be less a mechanism of integration than one of disintegration.

Trade unions are called to increase their influence on policy-making by becoming more politically active and use social media, but only a few studies investigate unions' online political activism. We propose that industrial relations regime of a country relates to unions' perceived opportunities for mobilisation and thereby also unions' online political activism. We test this argument with the help of data about European trade union confederations' political mobilisation on YouTube, 2007–2017. The results showed, expectedly, that resource-rich confederations in the organised corporatist regime (Scandinavia) use YouTube for political activism to lesser degree than in other regimes; when these confederations do pursue political activism, such videos are often related to elections and reflect the political party-union relationship. Unexpectedly, the resource-poor confederations in the transitional regime (Central and Eastern Europe) mobilised politically on YouTube to the same extent as have the confederations in the social partnership, liberal and state-centred regimes.

This paper presents different models of capitalism and trade unionism that have emerged in CEE over the last 25 years. It then traces challenges and unions' strategic responses in five policy areas: membership recruitment; mergers and organisational restructuring; collective bargaining; political engagement and social partnership; and international trade union cooperation. The paper argues that trade unions in the new EU member states do have the potential for strategic innovation and, conceivably, organisational renewal. In order to revitalise, however, they need to take on board the concerns of an increasingly diverse workforce and invest more resources in organising.