In June 2010 the European Council adopted the Commission's proposal on the Strategy for employment and growth 'Europe 2020'. Responding to criticism that the previous Lisbon strategy did not succeed, among other reasons, because of its one-sided focus on economic growth and employment, the Commission lays out three mutually reinforcing priorities: smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. The text focuses on new strategic directions, priorities, sector initiatives and Integrated Guidelines in the area of economic end employment policies. Special attention was given to the dynamics of implementation, the tasks of the Union and obligations of the member states in the realisation of the Headline Targets. The importance of ecological and social components was stressed as having an important role in overcoming discovered difficulties and fulfillment of the envisioned goals during the next decade. 'Europe 2020' is the basis for national reform programs which will contain concrete measures to implement the strategy. The Commission has a control function, while the Council will once a year present an assessment of the progress the member states and the Union have achieved. The strategy has a special place in the process of association of new member states and in the assessment of the accomplished progress.
Predmet ovog rada je upotreba sekuritizacije pandemije od strane vladajućih političkih elita u cilju dobijanja političkih poena u predizbornoj kampanji u Srbiji 2020. godine, kao i posledice ovog procesa. Samim tim analiza nudi drugačiju perspektivu za sagledavanje manipulacije tokom funkcionerske kampanje korišćenjem analitičkog okvira teorije sekuritizacije, uz dodatak teorije frejminga. Tako će sa analitičkog stanovišta obraditi sve osnovne elemente sekuritizacije pandemije, dok će normativni deo poslužiti za ispitivanje etičnosti, odnosno opravdanosti ove sekuritizacije. Primenom analize diskursa dolazi se do zaključka da je sekuritizacija pandemije bila u funkciji promocije lidera i vladajuće političke partije u Srbiji, a ne stvarne borbe za bezbednost građana. ; The subject of this paper is the use of the securitization of the pandemic by the ruling political elites for the purpose of acquiring political points in the election campaign in Serbia in 2020, as well as the consequences of the process. Thus,the analysis offers a different perspective for observing the manipulation during the campaign of the bureaucrats by using analytical framework of the securitization theory, with the addition of framing theory. In that way, from theanalytical point of view, one will process all the basic elements of the securitization of the pandemic, while the normative part will serve to examine the ethics, respecting the justification of the securitization. By applying the discourseanalysis, a conclusion was reached that securitization of the pandemic was in the function of promoting the leaders and ruling political party in Serbia and not the actual fight for the safety of citizens.
The financial crisis has adversely affected all the countries of the world in the conditions of globalization with different intensity, no matter if it is higher or lower level of development and different economic structures. In the context of globalization in the countries in transition, the banking system was reformed, thus creating a new financial market. The International Monetary Fund has taken an active part in the transition process of Eastern European countries by providing advice and approving financial arrangements. Developed countries of the world have implemented measures of non-standard monetary policy to overcome the global financial crisis. In some parts of Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to the general corporate identity (bank name, abbreviated name, trademark and slogan of the bank), the countries also applied qualitative features of the bank's corporate identity (image, reputation and goodwill). As they enter the 21st century, banks in developed countries are increasingly emphasizing the corporate culture and style of business of the bank. In the practice of banks, the following performances are most often present: financial, marketing, performance management, employee performance, business philosophy, reputation and the image of the bank. The banks' performance analysis included 13 Central and Eastern European countries divided into three groups. Performance over the period 2008-2018 is analyzed, related to: share of total assets in GDP, share of total loans in GDP, share of total deposit in GDP and level of capital adequacy of Central and Eastern European countries. The analysis shows that the central banks of the countries of Central Europe are dominant, and that in certain performances they are approached by the banks of the countries of Eastern Europe (members of the European Union and the Western Balkans). ; Finansijska kriza je negativno uticala na sve zemlje sveta u uslovima globalizacije sa različitim intezitetom, bez razlike da li se radi o višem ili nižem nivou razvijenosti i različitim privrednim strukturama. U uslovima globalizacije u zemljama u tranziciji izvršena je reforma bankarskog sistema i na taj način je započeto stvaranje novog finansijskog tržišta. Međunarodni monetarni fond uzeo je aktivno učešće u procesu tranzicije zemalja istočne Evrope pružanjem saveta i odobravanjem finansijskih aranžmana. Razvijene zemlje sveta su radi prevazilaženja svetske finansijske krize primenile mere nestandardne monetarne politike.Zemlje centralne i istočne Evrope su u određenom delu pored opšteg korporativnog identiteta (naziv banke, skraćenog imena, zaštitnog znaka i slogana banke) primenjivale i kvalitativna obeležja korporativnog identiteta (imidž, reputacije i gudvila) banke. Ulaskom u 21. vek banke razvijenih zemalja sve više stavljaju naglasak na korporativnu kulturu i stil poslovanja banke. U praksi banaka najčešće su prisutne sledeće performanse: finansijske, marketing, menadžment performanse, performanse zaposlenih, poslovne filozofije, ugleda, reputacije i imidža banke. Analiza performansi banaka obuhvatila je 13 zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope podeljenih u tri grupe. Analizirane su performanse u vremenskom periodu od 2008-2018. godine koje se odnose na: učešće ukupne aktive u BDP-u, učešće ukupnih kredita u BDP-u, učešće ukupnog depozita u BDP-u i nivo adekvatnosti kapitala zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope. Analiza pokazuje da su dominantne banke zemalja centralne Evrope, a da se njima u određenim performansama približavaju banke zemalja istočne Evrope (članice Evropske Unije i zapadnog Balkana).
Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.
The development of the regional cooperation in South-Eastern Europe was at its lowest in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity and familiarity with the situation in the field and the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favourable conditions for the development of the regional cooperation. It can be further fortified through international efforts, as well as through the international community's presence, since with its economic, political and even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Within the emerging sintagm, "through cooperation to security", South-Eastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation which should lead to increased security and more peaceful coexistence. In such context, by means of regional cooperation, it is possible to attempt torging links with Europe and incorporating this region into the Euro- Atlantic integrations. (SOI : PM: S. 78)
Wars and suffering in the 20th century, mostly the consequences of ethnic and religious antagonisms, have been typical for Europe's southeast. That is why the ethnic aspects of security are central to the understanding of the totality of this region's security, particularly in the 21st century. The security of southeast Europe can be analyzed using realistic, idealistic and neo-realistic approaches to contemporary security as its starting point. The security of this region is affected by the internal circumstances of the region's states and by the economic situation and inter-ethnic relations in particular. Similarly, significant influence is exerted by the relations among the states and nations living there as well as by the ethnic-based conflicts which are the outcomes of these relations. A series of problems caused by the east-European transformations includes the unresolved ethnic and minority issues. That is why no southeastern European state today has worked out the issue of the relations with its neighbors. This part of Europe is to remain a volatile region, fraught with economic difficulties and crises, nationalisms and xenophobia. In such circumstances, with the open sores of simmering ethnic feuds and the specter of various nationalisms, is it realistic to expect rational politics which is supposed to lead the countries of southeastern Europe towards the united Europe? This is the question the answer to which is sought not only by this region's states but also by the leading European states and the USA. (SOI : PM: S. 78)
Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe and the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, Southeastern Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign-policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign-policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign-policy arena, in which its engagement - which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one - has not proved too costly. (SOI : PM: S. 20)
The author looks into the concept of the "smal1 nation" and whether it is high time for its scientific or linguistic revision. If "small nations" are a qualitative category, why define them quantitatively as "small"? Small nations gained independence in two waves: between the German-French war (1870-1871) and the end of World War One, and after the close of the "cold war" in 1990. However, not all small nations gained independence (e.g. Basques, Catalonians, Bretons, etc.). They pose a major challenge for Western Europe. The example of Croatia and its relationship with Serbs serves to illustrate the vacillations in the European ideology and attitudes towards small nations. The pressures exerted on the Croatian state regarding the political attitude of the Croatian people towards small nations did not stem from the logic of globalist economism or neoliberal political doctrine but were the.consequence of the war which the mother country Serbia of the Serbs in Croatia waged with the aim of annexing the territories on which they were a majority population. (SOI : PM: S. 98)
