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Much effort has been devoted to arms control in the field of conventional weapons, both globally and regionally, but it has failed to take firm root outside Europe. Europe remains a role model in this context insofar as controls on conventional forces continue to have a substantial stabilizing, security-building role in intra-European relations based on openness, transparency and mutual reassurance. However, because of critical security changes since 1989, even Europe faces serious challenges in maintaining this heritage. The year 2005 marked the 15th anniversary of the signing of the 1990 Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE Treaty). The updating of Europe's 'hard' conventional arms control regime remains stalled by disagreements between Russia and the West over texts adopted at the 1999 Istanbul Summit of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). As a result, entry into force of the 1999 Agreement on Adaptation of the CFE Treaty remains hostage to Russia's completion of its promised military pull-outs from Georgia and Moldova. In Georgia, the May 2005 agreement on the complete closure of Russian military bases and other facilities in the country was welcomed as a promising 'step forward', but in Moldova deadlock persists over Russian personnel and equipment. In the spring of 2006 the viability of the CFE Treaty regime appeared uncertain, with Russia positioning itself for a showdown at the 2006 CFE Third Review Conference. In 2005 the OSCE participating states continued to evaluate, adjust and develop certain arms control-related endeavours, including confidence -- and security -- building measures (CSBMs) and other arrangements. Little progress has been made in rethinking confidence -- and stability-building approaches to the kinds of menace that Europe actually faces today: combinations of intra-state violence and trans-state or global threats. One of the vital tests for CSBMs is whether they are applicable in intra-state 'foul-weather' conditions (i.e., during times of crisis, conflict, war, etc.), such as the frozen conflict in Moldova. The 'demilitarization' and confidence-building schemes for Moldova presented by the OSCE were controversial on political and military grounds. Globally, the problem of 'inhumane weapons' continues to engage the international community. The 1997 Anti-Personnel Mines Convention, widely supported both by states and grassroots movements, is viewed as a valuable contribution to 'human security' as well as traditional 'hard' security. With regard to Protocol V on Explosive Remnants of War, the three main actors -- China, Russia and the USA -- are reportedly moving more actively towards ratifying it. However, the main opponents to an agreement on anti-vehicle mines continued to block progress on various grounds such as doubts regarding civilian risks posed by such mines and the alleged technological and financial challenges. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by (1) Michael J. Baun, A Wider Europe. The Process and Politics of European Union Enlargement (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000); (2) Andreas Bieler, Globalisation and Enlargement of the European Union. Austrian and Swedish Social Forces in the Struggle over Membership (London: Routledge, 2000); (3) Stuart Croft, John Redmond, G. Wyn Rees, & Mark Webber, The Enlargement of Europe (Manchester: Manchester U Press, 1999); (4) Adrian Hyde-Price, Germany and European Order. Enlarging NATO and the EU (Manchester: Manchester U Press, 2000); (5) Mike Mannin (Ed), Pushing Back the Boundaries. The European Union and Central and Eastern Europe (Manchester: Manchester U Press, 1999); & (6) James Sperling (Ed) Two Tiers or Two Speeds? The European Security Order and the Enlargement of the European Union and NATO (Manchester: Manchester U Press, 1999). Baun's volume suffers from an inability to produce analytical conclusions or insights regarding EU theory & enlargement, yet it is still considered the most comprehensive account of the developing policy of this topic to date. Mannin's edition devotes much attention to the EU candidate country's perspective, implementing case studies of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, & Slovakia. Clarity & conclusion problems plague the text, although it remains analytically rich & insightful. Sperling's collection is a comparative work that studies EU & NATO enlargement, with each chapter organized to address one of four challenges that face these organizations, allowing chapter pair-ups for clear comparisons. Sperling's ambivalence regarding the collective identity of a unified Europe is noted, & it is argued that the structure of the work does not allow for deep analysis of the impacts of dual membership & cooperation. Croft et al examine the West European Union, the Council of Europe, & the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The work is deemed a good source for those interested in the enlargement evolution of a particular institution, even though certain thought-provoking issues remain relatively untouched (eg, interinstitutional coordination when granting membership to a country). Hyde-Price addresses the EU/NATO enlargement process from Germany's viewpoint, emphasizing the role of the nation's foreign policy in the emerging security order. This highly analytical work responds to those who fear German reunification, but is less useful as a resource on EU enlargement. Bieler offers an excellent study of candidate countries & their politics of accession on the domestic front, focusing on Sweden & Austria & taking a neo-Gramscian perspective concerning the role of social forces in accession. Future works concerning this topic would benefit by better employing conceptual & empirical work, along with a pursuit of clarifying underlying contradictory dynamics inherent in EU enlargement. 17 References. M. D. Cowder

Some social movements scholars argue that contemporary democracies are becoming "social movements societies": citizens are often mobilized to make claims; protest actions are progressively becoming part of institutional politics; and protest has diffused to new constituents. In other words, participants in protest activities are more difficult to be identified. This article aims to provide an updated assessment of the "social movement society" thesis in Western Europe, with a focus on the expansion, institutionalization, and, in particular, to the diffusion of political protest to new groups. Using the European Values Study, which spans from 1981 to 2009, it is found that in Western Europe forms of protest are more popular than in the past, that a partial institutionalization has occurred, and that traditionally disengaged individuals protest more compared to the past. However, the process of "normalization" of the political protester has yet to be completed, given that differences in the levels of engagement still exist among social groups.

Examines Argentina's foreign policy since the 1970s, focusing on relations with the US and Western Europe, as well as transformed relations with its neighbors, Brazil, and Chile.

User data fuel the digital economy, while individual privacy is at stake. Governments react differently to this challenge. Estonia, a small Baltic state, has become a role model for the renewal of the social contract in times of big data. The Estonian example suggests that online governance is most successful in a small state, with a young population, trustworthy institutions and the need of technological renewal. This work examines the development of e-governance usage during the last decade in Europe from a comprehensive cross-country perspective: Size, age and trust are relevant for the development of digital governance in Europe. However, the quality of past communication infrastructure is not related to e-governance popularity.

In today's world, the European Union is searching for a delicate balance between linguistic integration and diversity. Thanks to international knowledge transmission and exchange as well as co-operation and mobility beyond national boundaries, English has now become the preferred option for linguistic unity. It is a language that allows native speakers of different languages to communicate. However, the use of English as a lingua franca should not (and does not) threaten plurilingualism in Europe, as reflected in the many national languages in Europe and the relatively peaceful coexistence of national and minority languages in many European countries. In fact, English, as used for international communication purposes, complements and supplements national languages.

"'Pooling forces for a social Europe - for a social world': that was the motto of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs for the German Presidency of the EU Council. Europe must further the social orientation of the integration process, highlight and communicate the common values and objectives in relation to a social Europe and make the social Europe more visible. The quality of work plays a key role in this strategy. A social Europe is inconceivable without a world of work in which people experience recognition in worker-oriented and health-promoting corporate cultures. A competitive Europe is inconceivable without an economy which produces top performances. Committed workers and responsible, innovative companies which operate successfully on the world market are the two sides of the one coin which is called 'good work'. Good work means: Fair wages, health-promoting working conditions, codetermination, opportunities for further training and qualifications as well as a family-friendly design of the world of work. In order to increase the quality of work, the objective is to further develop innovative corporate cultures. For this purpose we need an exchange of experience between states, societies, companies and the workers for 'pooling forces' also means learning from one another and solving problems together - for the benefit of everyone in Europe. This European conference on the 'Quality of work' is one example of this. The successes of this conference are also an expression of the pooled forces of the partners who have contributed towards these successes. Therefore, our thanks must go to the Bertelsmann Foundation, the Hans-Böckler Foundation, the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions and the New Quality of Work Initiative for their dedicated involvement and the work they have performed." (author's abstract)

In an era of increasing economic interdependence China is playing a growing role in the global economy, including in Europe, which presents both opportunities and challenges. This paper aims to analyze the different dimensions of an increasingly assertive Chinese presence in Europe from economics to politics and geo-strategy. The essay will address the China's Belt and Road initiative (BRI), the 'Made in China 2025' plan, the China 17+1 initiative and Trade disputes between China and Europe. It will also look at questions of technology competition and critical infrastructure investment. China's leaders announced in October 2017 that they want to assume a global leadership role. The long-term strategic competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC) is one of the major global economic, military and political challenges. Maritime policies play an important role in support of that strategy of making China a global leader. Today, Beijing is seeking to project sophisticated power globally, particularly in areas with heavy BRI activity – the plan for greater connectivity for China across both land and sea through a new Silk Road. The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affects Europe in five main areas: maritime trade, shipbuilding, emerging growth niches in the blue economy, the global presence of the Chinese navy, and the competition for international influence. It has been calculated that the Maritime Silk Road creates more competition than cooperation opportunities in Europe-China relations. The sea lanes of communication from China to Europe through the Malacca-Suez route are among the busiest in the world – where European interests are more immediate and bigger than on the nascent "Ice Silk Road": China-Europe maritime trade is three times larger than trade by air freight and Eurasian railways, while the last alternative – the Northern Route through the Arctic Ocean, that China dubs the "Ice Silk Road" – is only just starting to develop. In January 2018, the PRC published its first Arctic strategy that ...

Eastern Europe has recently received much attention from scholars irrespective of diverse focus and specialization, and the special section of this distinguished journal is yet another proof that the region remains an extraordinarily interesting place for research and analysis. Scholarly interests have, however, often been related to the emergence, establishment and eventual demise of state socialism in this heterogeneous place, the horrors of World War II and the profound transformations that swept through its many old-new countries during recent decades. The predominance of political, social and intellectual history, as well as sociology and political science, and scholarly interpretations of the condition of modernity in Eastern Europe come therefore as little surprise. This methodological apparatus at hand, significant aspects of the region's development during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have sometimes been overlooked, while others appeared teleological. Within the traditions of both Western and Eastern European academia, the region has until recently been perceived as having followed a very distinct, special path to modernity characterized in a variety of ways as arrested development, Sonderweg and backwardness. At the same time, the profound change that occurred in these diverse territories as part of a European and in fact global process of modernization during the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries has often not been given its true significance in relation to its later historical development. An array of recent post-colonialist responses that have fundamentally reshaped the history of the modern 'Third World' have touched Eastern Europe only in passing, Hence, an occasional intellectual indecisiveness as to how to analyse the region's development in a greater historical context, as is immediately evident in the diversity of names ascribed to its supposedly different geographical areas – Eastern Europe, East Central Europe, Central Europe, Mitteleuropa and South-East Europe, to name but a few – each with their own political and ideological bias.

National audience ; To reduce the potential burden of the ageing population on public finances, the European Council set EU member states the target of increasing the senior employment rate. Considering that seniors play a major role in caring for dependent elderly people, it is appropriate to ask whether a policy aimed at extending the working lives of seniors is compatible with a policy to support informal care forelderly people. Won't informal care decrease if the senior employment rate rises? Or, looking at it from the opposite angle, won't shifting the burden of care for elderly people to families hamper growth in senior employment?In order to answer these questions, this article proposes a quantitative study basedon data from SHARE (Wave 2). The analysis first identifies differences betweenEuropean countries with respect to care that seniors provide to their elderly singleparents: caring for an elderly parent is more frequent in northern Europe than in southern Europe, but the care provided by senior carers is far more "intensive" in southern Europe. Countries in continental and eastern Europe occupy an intermediateposition. An econometric assessment of the trade-off between elder care andemployment also shows that spending more than one hour per day on averagehelping an elderly single parent reduces the probability of having a job in southernand eastern Europe, where public support for dependency is more limited, whereas this does not seem to have a significant impact in northern and continental Europe. ; Le vieillissement de la population apparaît en Europe comme un des principaux enjeux des prochaines décennies. Il fait craindre dans lamajorité des pays une pression difficilement soutenable sur les systèmes publics de protection sociale. Afin de relever ce défi démographique, le Conseil européen de Stockholm (2001) a donné pour objectif aux États membres de l'Union européenne (UE) de porter le taux d'emploi à une moyenne européenne de 67 %, en fixant des objectifs particuliers pour la population dite ...

National audience ; To reduce the potential burden of the ageing population on public finances, the European Council set EU member states the target of increasing the senior employment rate. Considering that seniors play a major role in caring for dependent elderly people, it is appropriate to ask whether a policy aimed at extending the working lives of seniors is compatible with a policy to support informal care forelderly people. Won't informal care decrease if the senior employment rate rises? Or, looking at it from the opposite angle, won't shifting the burden of care for elderly people to families hamper growth in senior employment?In order to answer these questions, this article proposes a quantitative study basedon data from SHARE (Wave 2). The analysis first identifies differences betweenEuropean countries with respect to care that seniors provide to their elderly singleparents: caring for an elderly parent is more frequent in northern Europe than in southern Europe, but the care provided by senior carers is far more "intensive" in southern Europe. Countries in continental and eastern Europe occupy an intermediateposition. An econometric assessment of the trade-off between elder care andemployment also shows that spending more than one hour per day on averagehelping an elderly single parent reduces the probability of having a job in southernand eastern Europe, where public support for dependency is more limited, whereas this does not seem to have a significant impact in northern and continental Europe. ; Le vieillissement de la population apparaît en Europe comme un des principaux enjeux des prochaines décennies. Il fait craindre dans lamajorité des pays une pression difficilement soutenable sur les systèmes publics de protection sociale. Afin de relever ce défi démographique, le Conseil européen de Stockholm (2001) a donné pour objectif aux États membres de l'Union européenne (UE) de porter le taux d'emploi à une moyenne européenne de 67 %, en fixant des objectifs particuliers pour la population dite ...