Suchergebnisse

Lithium is a key component in green energy storage technologies and is rapidly becoming a metal of crucial importance to the European Union. The different industrial uses of lithium are discussed in this review along with a compilation of the locations of the main geological sources of lithium. An emphasis is placed on lithium&rsquo ; s use in lithium ion batteries and their use in the electric vehicle industry. The electric vehicle market is driving new demand for lithium resources. The expected scale-up in this sector will put pressure on current lithium supplies. The European Union has a burgeoning demand for lithium and is the second largest consumer of lithium resources. Currently, only 1&ndash ; 2% of worldwide lithium is produced in the European Union (Portugal). There are several lithium mineralisations scattered across Europe, the majority of which are currently undergoing mining feasibility studies. The increasing cost of lithium is driving a new global mining boom and should see many of Europe&rsquo ; s mineralisation&rsquo ; s becoming economic. The information given in this paper is a source of contextual information that can be used to support the European Union&rsquo ; s drive towards a low carbon economy and to develop the field of research.

The Regional Integration, University and Sustainable Development Project in Central America IRUDESCA is a Project sponsored by the European Union within the European Program of Education, Training, Youth and Sports, ERASMUS +. The project involves 12 universities in Central America, the Central University Council of Central America (CSUCA), the Regional Center for the Promotion of Micro and Small Enterprises (CENPROMYPE). In addition, on the European side, the School of Commerce of Paris (ESCP Europe, Madrid headquarters), the Camilo José Cela University (Spain), Dinamia Cooperative Society (Spain) and the Polytechnic Institute of Viana do Castelo - IPVC (Portugal) participate. ), who leads and coordinates this Project. ; El Proyecto Integración Regional, Universidad y Desarrollo Sostenible en Centroamérica IRUDESCA es un Proyecto auspiciado por la Unión Europea dentro del Programa Europeo de Educación, Formación, Juventud y Deporte, ERASMUS +. En el proyecto, participan 12 universidades de Centroamérica, el Consejo Superior Universitario de Centroamérica (CSUCA), el Centro Regional de Promoción de la Micro y Pequeña Empresa (CENPROMYPE). Además, por la parte europea, participan la Escuela Superior de Comercio de París (ESCP Europe, sede Madrid), la Universidad Camilo José Cela (España), Dinamia Sociedad Cooperativa (España) y el Instituto Politécnico de Viana do Castelo - IPVC (Portugal), quien lidera y coordina este Proyecto.

European Union member states have always recognized the need to act together in foreign policy and defense matters, but this has proved to be a difficult challenge and hard to achieved. The principle of a common foreign and security policy (CFSP) was formalized for the first time in 1992 by the Treaty of Maastricht, but creation of formal secondary instruments for diplomacy and intervention were needed pursuant to regional conflicts in the 1990s. Such decisive actions are the European Union peacekeeping missions to several of the world's trouble spots which promote development of the European Security and Defense Policy and design of European military structure. The first Europe defense agreement was sign on 17 of March 1948 in Brussels establishing the Western European Union. Together with the NATO Agreement they create the defense policy of Europe. In this context, the research paper aims is to explore the development of the Western European Union as a cradle for the birth of the European Union security and defense policy and the difference between the policies that are in the Union competence and the one exclusively to the Member States. Keywords: Western European Union, European Union, Defense and Security Policy

Throughout the eleventh century and in various areas of Europe, noblemen assaulted the established political powers in what have been called feudal revolts. In the southern part of the county of Barcelona, Mir Geribert, a nobleman and lord of several castles in the Penedès region, challenged the power of Count Ramon Berenguer I between 1041 and 1058. The objective of this paper is to analyse this confrontation, its implications, and its resolution especially on the basis of the publication of new documentation and the contributions of previous historiography. The result was the same across Europe: feudalism prevailed. ; Al llarg del segle XI i a diversos llocs d'Europa, es van produir assalts de nobles contra els poders polítics establerts en el que va ser batejat com a revoltes feudals. Al sud del comtat de Barcelona, Mir Geribert, un noble i senyor de castells del Penedès, va desafiar el poder del comte Ramon Berenguer I entre 1041 i 1058. L'objectiu d'aquest article és analitzar aquest enfrontament, les seves implicacions i la seva resolució, partint d'una nova edició de documents i de les aportacions de la historiografia anterior. Arreu d'Europa el resultat va ser el mateix: el feudalisme s'havia imposat.

The article deals with migration and integration policy in the European Union. Europe has undergone a number of changes during the 20th century, which have also influenced migratory policies in these countries. Importance of the policy is particularly important in the context of the migration crisis that has hit Europe. The European Union and the Member States had to respond to the situation. Without the laws and other necessary measures, it would not be possible to correct the status of foreigners on our territory or create suitable conditions for their integration. The security aspect and the importance of integration will be analysed. It deals with the issue of integration of foreigners into society ; Článek se zabývá migrační a integrační politikou v Evropské unii. Evropa prošla v průběhu 20. století řadou změn, které rovněž ovlivnily migrační a integrační politiku v těchto zemích. Význam daných politik je zvláště důležitý v souvislosti s migrační krizí, která zasáhla Evropu v posledních letech. Evropská unie a členské státy musely na tuto situaci reagovat. Bez zákonů a dalších nezbytných opatření by nebylo možné na našem území upravit postavení cizinců ani vytvořit vhodné podmínky pro jejich integraci. V článku bude analyzován zejména bezpečnostní aspekt migrace a význam integrace cizinců do společnosti.

Even after the summit meeting between US President Donald Trump and North Korea's Head of State Kim Jong Un in Singapore on 12 June 2018, the crisis surrounding North Korea's nuclear programme and weapons of mass destruction programme remains one of the most dangerous and complex in the world. The conflict is centred on the unresolved tense relationship between North Korea and the USA, and in particular the issue of nuclear weapons possession. Grouped around this are other conflicts characterised by clashes of interests between China, Japan, North Korea, Russia, South Korea and the USA. In addition, within these conflicts, security policy, human rights policy and economic policy have great impact on each other. For Germany and Europe, finding a peaceful solution to the conflict - or at least preventing military escalation - is key. Europe can and should work to ensure that North Korea is treated as a challenge to global governance. Addressing the set of problems subsumed under the term "North Korea conflict" in such a way as to avoid war, consolidate global order structures, and improve the situation of the people in North Korea requires staying power and can only lead to success one step at a time.

Wood-pastures have been present in Europe for thousands of years. This form of grazed landscape, combining herbaceous vegetation with trees and shrubs, has often co-evolved with its human users into complex social-ecological systems (SES). Wood-pastures are associated with high cultural and biodiversity values and are an example of the sustainable use of resources. However, due to their often relatively labour-intensive management and low productivity, large areas of wood-pastures have been lost over the last century. The loss of these areas means not only the loss of biodiversity on both local and landscape scales, but also the loss of traditional farming and cultural heritage in some regions. Across the European Union, wood-pastures are facing different problems and are embedded in different social systems and ecological environments. Yet they are all affected by global change and common European policies. To understand the challenges for wood-pastures in a changing world, a holistic approach combining different disciplines is needed. This dissertation therefore is analyzing wood-pastures across Europe as a Social-ecological System, combining ecology and social science with the aim to identify the barriers and drivers for wood-pastures persistence into the future.

When speaking about innovation in education and teaching, people usually refer to changes fostered by innovation in technology for the purpose of learning, teaching, and curriculum development. The reason why this happens is obvious: technical / technological changes do happen fast and their effects are more spectacular than the effects induced by the slower, but longer lasting institutional innovation. One of the most important such innovation that occurred in Europe, in the last decades, is the Bologna Process. Its relevance is given, beneath encouraging mobility, mainly by opening the possibility of standardization and commensurability for the European national Higher Education systems. European nation-states do consider education one of the main territories of national sovereignty, sometimes even by raising artificial barriers in the way of rapprochement. In my paper, I intend to present the main advantages of the Bologna Process, the art it gained ground in Europe and the main dangers lurking on it, especially nationalist populism. As an illustration, I will use the case of Hungary, one of the member-states with the most ambiguous attitudes towards the EU and its integration process. This work is licensed under aCreative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.

This article analyzes the relevance of family ties for the recruitment of chief executives - presidents or prime ministers - with special emphasis on gender. Based on a cross-national data-set examining political chief executives from 2000-2017 in five world regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe, and North America), we test several hypotheses and present four main results. First, belonging to a political family (BPF), is an advantage to entering national executive positions around the world, for both democracies and non-democracies. Among those with a sizeable number of executives in this period, regions range from 9 percent (Africa) to 13 percent (Latin America and Europe) of executives BPF. Second, executives' family ties are more powerful (with a previous chief executive) in Asia, Africa, and Latin America and more direct (with an immediate family member) in Asia and Africa. Across the globe, women only made up 6% of chief executives in the time period. Third, females who manage to become chief executives are more often BPF than their male counterparts, particularly in Asia and Latin America. Fourth, regardless of region, family ties nearly always originate from men, not women. ; Published version

The lack of cross-border risk sharing in the banking sector, which constitutes the dominant source of funding for European firms and households, is one of the biggest barriers to better integrated financial markets in Europe. In this policy brief, we emphasize the potential of the securitization market for bank-based financial integration. In order to effectively increase cross-border risk sharing through securitization in the EU, we suggest a two-pronged strategy: First, it entails further improving the existing regulatory framework in order to reduce barriers to a thriving securitization market. And second, explicit incentives for risk sharing and securitization in Europe should enter EU regulation and EU programs. Our suggestions are practical in that they build on adaptations of existing regulation and programs instead of devising new ones. Specifically, we make the case for linking the countercyclical capital buffer to a measure of geographic diversification as a way to strengthen incentives for risk sharing. Furthermore, we argue that pertinent changes to the terms and conditions of subsidies to securitized SME loans within the existing SME Initiative will help create cross-border investment opportunities in a strategically import sector of the European economy.

Abstract This article attempts to strip away the Eurocentrism of the Enlightenment, to reconsider how this concept that originated in Europe was transmitted to China. This is thus an attempt to treat the Enlightenment in terms of its global, worldwide significance. Coming
from this perspective, the Enlightenment can be viewed as a history of the exchange and interweaving of concepts, a history of translation and quotation, and thus a history of the joint production of knowledge. We must reconsider the dimensions of both time and space in examining the global
Enlightenment project. As a concept, the Enlightenment for the most part has been molded by historical actors acting in local circumstances. It is not a concept shaped and brought into being solely from textual sources originating in Europe. As a concept, the Enlightenment enabled historical
actors in specific localities to begin to engage in globalized thinking, and to find a place for their individual circumstances within the global setting. This article follows such a line of thought, to discuss the conceptual history of the Enlightenment in China, giving special emphasis to
the processes of formation and translation of this concept within the overall flow of modern Chinese history.

After more than seven years of fiscal austerity and neoliberal structural reforms, the fundamental imbalances that led to the Eurozone crisis have remained unresolved and the project of European integration as such appears to be in the deepest crisis it has experienced so far. This has prompted the dominant forces in the EU to at least partially reconsider their present crisis management strategies, envisioning deeper integration towards a "Genuine Economic and Monetary Union" and outlining different future scenarios for the EU. While especially the Five President's Report does acknowledge fundamental construction problems and crisis tendencies of the Economic and Monetary Union, the strategies to address them either fall tremendously short of this diagnosis or lack assertiveness. We argue that this inability to confront these crisis tendencies results from the growing economic and political asymmetry in the axis between France and Germany as the principal mechanism of compromise which undergirded previous cycles of European economic integration. At the bottom of this paralysis lies a gradual shift in the dominant internationalization patterns of the German political economy within the European division of labor: away from Southern Europe and France and towards Eastern Europe and the Emerging Markets.

AbstractDebates over 'modernity' have been central to the development of historical-sociological approaches to International Relations (IR). Within the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS), much work has been done to formulate a historically dynamic conception of international relations, which is then used to undermine unilinear conceptions of global modernity. Nevertheless, this article argues that IHS has not proceeded far enough in successfully remedying the problem of unilinearism. The problem remains that historical narratives, informed by IHS, tend to transhistoricise capitalism, which, in turn, obscures the generative nature of international relations, as well as the fundamental heterogeneity of diverging paths to modernity both within and beyond western Europe. Based on the theory of Uneven and Combined Development, Political Marxism, and Robbie Shilliam's discussion of 'Jacobinism', this article first reinterprets the radical multilinearity of modernity within western Europe, and then utilises this reinterpretation to provide a new reading of the Ottoman path to modernity (1839–1918). Such a historical critique and reconstruction will highlight the significance of Jacobinism for a more accurate theorisation of the origin and development of the modern international order, hence contributing to a deeper understanding of the international relations of modernity.

Purpose
This paper examines if gender diversity on corporate boards promotes corporate social performance (CSP) across industries and across countries.


Design/methodology/approach
Fixed-effect panel models are estimated using Europe-wide data from 2002 through 2013. Instrumental variable estimation and propensity score matching are also used to control for potential endogeneity.


Findings
Board gender diversity (BGD) improves environmental and social performance and consequently the CSP. Although the positive effect of gender diversity is prevalent across industries, the effect is more pronounced for firms in emerging markets.


Practical implications
The findings suggest that gender law that fosters gender diversity can promote CSP in firms, and the benefit can be enjoyed with just an introduction of one female director to the board. Promotion of gender diversity in Europe is most beneficial in emerging markets.


Originality/value
The results provide new insights to the literature, as we find that a critical mass of female directors on boards is not required to promote CSP. The research also highlights that BGD enhances CSP irrespective of the industry, and the effect on CSP is more pronounced in emerging markets where regulations regarding CSR are not so clear-cut.

Abstract
The migration crisis has not only influenced the societies of Europe, their governments, and decisions taken by them but also affected the work of media. As soon as the migration crisis began to escalate in Europe, the old continent has continuously tried to cope with the influx of refugees from the war-threatened Middle East; not only individual statements of politicians and influential individuals but also communication flows themselves, which have created content and expanded context within networks, have become the center of interest. We can assume that in the previous months (especially in the case of the Slovak Republic), political and media discourses influenced societal and individual opinions and attitudes toward the migration crisis. The main aim of this article is to compare the various contents in the Slovak printed media in the context of the migration crisis. The dominant focus will be on analyzing media messages in the analyzed period in the context of creating political (media-based and electoral) discourse on the refugee crisis. We assume that over time, the main political discourse changed, and that the rhetoric of the main political actors also changed over time. The reason for this shift was the national election in March 2016.