Suchergebnisse

The paper discusses the role of the European Parliament in the inter-institutional quest for power on the ground of the effectiveness of its control over the supra- national institutions and bodies with the intelligence function as well as in the protection of the right to privacy. The starting assumption is that, despite the Lisbon reform, the powers and jurisdiction of the European Parliament are still quite limited with a view to oversight of the EU policy implementation and the performance of the EU institutions, respectively. The author examines the following cases: the recently revealed practice of massive electronic surveillance of the EU citizens' communication, the unselective processing of personal data, and the semi-secretive set up of a supranational intelligence function out of the MEPs' reach. The analyzed cases show that the European Parliament's control powers are weak when it comes to the issues that demand a narrow technical expertise, but still can endanger civil rights. The author concludes that the protection of the right to privacy can indicate the real power of the Parliament in future dynamics of the supranational institutional framework.

Cilj rada je kritička ananliza konceptualizacije motivacije za obrazovanjem u političkim dokumentima Evropske unije. Na primeru serije objavljenih Komunikacija Evropske komisije u poslednje dve decenije sagledavaju se ključne karakteristike konceptualizacije motivacije za visokim obrazovanjem. S obzirom na to da Evropska komisija nema legislativna ovlašćenja nad sistemima obrazovanja država članica, ona svoj uticaj može ostvariti pomoću organizovanih političkih inicijativa i iznošenjem svog mišljenja. Komunikacije Evropske komisije predstavljaju značajan vid javnog promovisanja mišljenja, vizija i vrednosti EU u politici visokog obrazovanja. Analizom sadržaja sedam objavljenih Komunikacija u periodu od 2003. do 2018. godine može se zaključiti da obrazovna politika Evropske unije tematizuje problem motivacije za visokoškolskim obrazovanjem prevashodno instrumentalno, kao deo ekonomske agende razvoja društva. Prećutno se podrazumeva dominacija spoljašnje motivacije u sistemu visokog obrazovanja. Visoko obrazovanje se shvata kao usluga, student kao korisnik obrazovnih usluga, a problem individualne motivacije za obrazovanjem konceptualizuje se kao investiranje u ljudski kapital. Sa stanovišta obrazovnih institucija, motivacija za obrazovanjem se razmatra kao problem ponude obrazovnih usluga i usklađivanja sa aktuelnim i budućim potrebama tržišta rada. Vrednost visokog obrazovanja u celini razmatra se iz ekonomske perspektive. Pedagoške implikacije svođenja složenog procesa motivacije za obrazovanjem u okviru celokupnog sistema visokog obrazovanja na instrumentalne spoljašnje podsticaje može se opisati kao redukcionizam, odnosno zanemarivanje mnogostrukih motiva i vrednosti koji visoko obrazovanje čine socijalno poželjnim i individualno potrebnim. ; The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of conceptualization of motivation for education in the European Union political documents. The key characteristics of conceptualization of motivation for higher education are deliberated on the example of a collection of published European Commission Communications in the past two decades. Given that the European Commission has no legislative powers over education systems of the member states, it exerts its influence through instruments of organized policy initiatives and expression of its opinions. European Commission Communications represent an important form of public promotion of EU opinions, visions, and values in higher education policy. By analysing the content of seven published Communications in the period from 2003 to 2018, it can be concluded that in the European Union educational policy, the problem of motivation for higher education is perceived primarily instrumentally, as a part of economic agenda of society development. Dominance of external motivation in the higher education system is tacitly assumed. Higher education is understood as service, the student as user of educational services, and the problem of individual motivation for education is conceptualized as investment in human capital. From the point of view of educational institutions, motivation for education is perceived as the problem of offering educational services and harmonization with current and future needs of the labour market. The value of higher education as a whole is considered from economic perspective. Pedagogical implications of reducing a complex process of motivation for education in the entire higher education system to instrumental external incentives, can be described as reductionism, i.e. neglect of multiple motives and values that make higher education socially desirable and individually necessary. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

The aim of this paper is to investigate the directions of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union for the period from 2021 to 2027. For the Republic of Serbia, as a candidate country for membership, it is important to monitor the changes that are taking place within the European agricultural policy. Analyzing the available literature and regulations of the European Commission, the authors look at the essence of the Common Agricultural Policy reforms in the upcoming seven-year period, with special reference to the aims, planned financial framework, "greening" of the CAP, as well as implementation of measures in rural development policy segment. Insisting on ecologically sustainable development of agriculture, along with greater institutional authority of the member states, are the key ideas that will guide the Common Agricultural Policy in the upcoming period.

The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.

The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.

In the essence, the problem of eco-economic (economic and environmental) development is reduced to the problem of choosing concrete protection mechanisms and measurement heights achieved economic, and environmental, social and institutional (sustainable) development. This opens up the question of measuring the economic problems, but also each other prosperity of society, because they set goals, benchmarks and parameters to be taken into account are different, depending on what needs to be done measuring the degree of development. This mechanism of measuring economic development, set 30-s of the 20 th century, more and more often is criticized modern economists such as Joseph Stiglitz, who report that in the modern global business development of the country should be measured by a broader set of indicators. For these reasons, the European Commission in cooperation with the European Parliament, the OECD, the Club of Rome and the World Wide Fund (WWF), in 2007. organized International Conference - Beyond GDP Conference. In this sense, in addition to GDP, significant measures have been introduced for economic development and other indicators of well-known as an Enlarged GDP. The aim of this paper is to present the fundamental differences between GDP and GDP Enlarged indicators in calculation methodology that takes into consideration and certain other elements apart from consumption, investment and export levels. .

Stvaranje Evropske unije bespovratno je narušilo tradicionalno ustrojstvo drţava, pa i samog meĊunarodnog poretka. Uspostavljanje strukture koja obuhvata više centara moći u okviru kojih se (ne)ravnopravno donose odluke od znaĉaja za ţivot graĊana, uticalo je na slabljenje nacionalnih, a nedovoljnu samostalnost nadnacionalnog nivoa unutar nje. Stalno pregovaranje i lobiranje na kojima poĉiva Unija pruţa mogućnost za ostvarivanje ciljeva pojedinih interesnih grupa i drţava. Koncept demokratije je ovakvim stanjem najviše izgubio. Pojаm demokrаtije je teško definisаti, isto koliko je komplikovаno pronаći kriterijume za njeno identifikovanje a koji su primjenljivi nа sve politiĉke sisteme. Situаcijа se dodаtno usloţnjаvа kаdа je ove kriterijume neophodno prepoznati u okviru nedovršenog politiĉkog sistema kаkаv je onаj u Evropskoj uniji. Problemi u demokrаtskoj legitimizаciji Unije, koji se jаvljаju uporedo sа uspjesimа u integrаciji, otvаrаju pitаnje primjenljivosti "stаndаrdnog" modelа demokrаtije nа ovu tvorevinu. Prirodа funkcionisаnjа Evropske unije, u kojoj je na snazi uprаvljаnje nа više nivoа, zаhtijevа prilаgoĊаvаnje demokrаtskih principа njenom specifiĉnom politiĉkom sistemu. Mada ne postoji konsenzus meĊu teoretiĉаrima koji su dali doprinos objašnjavanju pojma demokratije u Evropskoj uniji dа li postoji demokratski deficit unutar nje, kаo ni koji su nаjbolji uslovi zа rаzvoj аutentiĉne demokrаtije u EU, moguće je identifikovati brojne strukturne probleme demokratije u politiĉkom sistemu Evropske unije. U okviru postojećeg institucionаlnog mehаnizmа Evropske unije problemi nastaju usljed isprepletenih nаdleţnosti izmeĊu institucijа i osjetnog jаĉаnjа izvršne u odnosu nа zаkonodаvnu grаnu vlаsti. Centrаlnu ulogu od institucija imа Sаvjet koji funkcioniše po principu meĊuvlаdine sаrаdnje. Prаktiĉno nijednа evropskа politikа ne moţe se usvojiti bez djelovаnjа ove institucije i uplitаnjа drţаvа ĉlаnicа, što Savjet ĉini glavnim zakonodavnim tijelom Unije. Evropski parlament, sa druge strane, iako neposredno izabran, zbog svojih još uvijek ogrаniĉenih nаdleţnosti, i dаlje je glаvni uzroĉnik demokrаtskog deficitа u Uniji. Stoga bi talas demokratizacije institucija Unije trebalo da obuhvati "prelivаnje" moći sа Sаvjetа nа Evropski pаrlаment i jаĉаnje meĊuinstitucionаlne sаrаdnje izmeĊu Evropskog pаrlаmentа i Evropske komisije. Evropskа unijа nemа ureĊenje poput trаdicionаlne nаcionаlne drţаve. Ne postoji ni demos nа evropskom nivou, te, stoga, nemа ko dа obezbijedi neophodni legitimitet evropskim politikama. Iako je nesumnjivo da politike Evropske unije proizvode velike koristi zа njene grаĊаne, ovа reаlnost, zаjedno sа rаzvijenim mehаnizmimа konsultovаnjа sа grаĊаnimа, ipаk ne umаnjuje kljuĉni problem u komunikаciji Unija – graĎani: mаnjаk аdekvаtnog predstаvljаnjа grаĊаnа, što je zа zаjednicu kojа se u svojim osnivаĉkim dokumentimа deklаriše kаo predstavniĉka ipak nedostаtаk. Ni sаmi grаĊаni ne pokreću politiĉku debаtu o specifiĉnim evropskim pitаnjimа nа nivou koji bi bio izаzov zа nаcionаlne vlаde. Demokrаtskа legitimizаcijа evropskih institucijа zаhtijevа i veću ulogu politiĉkih pаrtijа i njihovu revitаlizаciju nа evropskom nivou, kao i otvoreno politiĉko takmiĉenje koje ukljuĉuje grаĊаne. Proces integrisаnjа zemаljа Evropske unije prouzrokovаo je ozbiljne demokrаtske probleme ne sаmo nа nivou Unije, već i u drţаvаmа ĉlаnicаmа. "Problemi demokratije" u drţavama ĉlanicama koji proizilaze iz funkcionisanja Unije drugаĉije se reflektuju u rаzliĉitim nаcionаlnim politiĉkim sistemimа. Pritisku koji dolаzi od integrisаnjа unutar Evropske unije bolje se prilagoĊavaju drţаve koje imаju federаlno od onih koje imаju unitаrno ureĊenje. Federаlni kаrаkter ureĊenjа u drţаvi već podrаzumijevа više nivoа odluĉivаnjа i decentrаlizаciju vlasti, pа se ovаj sistem lаkše prilаgoĊаvа uprаvljаnju nа više nivoа unutаr Evropske unije. To ne moţe biti sluĉаj sа zemljаmа koje su trаdicionаlno centrаlizovаne. Dalji razvoj Evropske unije moţe ići u pravcu zadrţavanja trenutnih principa integrisanja uz obrazloţenje da su demokratske drţave ĉlanice garant legitimiteta Unije. Na taj naĉin bi i dalje meĊuvladin princip imao primat u odnosu na nadnacionalni. Model koji bi trаnsformisаo Evropsku uniju u zаjednicu demokrаtskog kаrаkterа jeste federаlni. Evropskа unijа posjeduje elemente federalizma, a toj konstrukciji nedostaje kаpаcitet zа oporezivаnje i mogućnost predlaganja izmjena osnivаĉkih, konstitutivnih, ugovora. Trenutno postojanje federalnih elemenata u funkcionisanju Unije ukazuje da njihovo dodatno osnaţivanje neće neminovno dovesti do njene trаnsformаcije u zajednicu federalnog karaktera, ali će svakako uticati na smanjivanje postojećeg demokratskog deficita.Nauĉno-istraţivaĉki pristup korišćen u ovom radu odreĊen je predmetom i ciljevima istraţivanja. Znaĉajnu primjenu imale su metodologija svojstvena politiĉkim naukama, komparativna metoda, analiza sadrţaja dokumenata, kao i specijalizacija. U dokazivanju postavljenih hipoteza primjenu su našle i sinteza, generalizacija, indukcija i dedukcija. ; The creation of the European Union has irreversibly undermined the traditional establishment of states, including the international order thereof. The establishment of a structure encompassing multiple power centers entailing (un)equal decision making relevant to the lives of citizens, has triggered the downturn in national, subsequently weakening the supranational level of autonomy within it. Constant negotiations and lobbying representing the cornerstones of the Union, provides for an opportunity for achieving the objectives of individual groups and states. In the light of the above, the democracy concept has suffered the most. The democracy concept is difficult to define, being leveraged by the complication in finding criteria for its identification which are applicable to all political systems. The situation is further complicated in case of a need to identify these criteria within an unfinished political system like the one in the European Union. The problems behind democratic legitimization of the Union, arising along with the integration success, are opening up the question of the applicability of "standard" democracy model to this creation. The nature of the European Union functioning governed by the multiple levels management, requires adjustment of the democratic principles to its specific political system. Although there is no consensus among theorists who have contributed to clarifying the democracy concept in the European Union on neither whether there is a democratic deficit within it, nor what are the best conditions for the development of a genuine democracy in the EU, nevertheless it is possible to identify a number of structural problems of democracy in the political system of the European Union. In the framework of existing institutional mechanism of the European Union, the problems arise because of overlapping responsibilities between the institutions and the appreciable strengthening of the executive over the legislative branch of government. The Council plays the central role, operating on the principle of intergovernmental cooperation. Practically not a single European policy may be adopted without the operation of this institution and the interference of the member states, making the Council the leading legislative authority of the Union. The European Parliament, on the other hand, although directly elected, due to its still limited competences, being the main trigger of the democratic deficit in the Union. Thus, the wave of democratization of the EU institutions should include the "spillover" of power from the Council to the European Parliament and strengthening the inter-institutional cooperation between the European Parliament and European Commission. The European Union has not been grounded as the traditional national state. Demos don"t exist at the European level and, therefore, there is no one to provide the necessary legitimacy of the European policies. Although undoubtedly, the European Union policies are generating great benefits for its citizens, this reality, along with developed mechanisms of consultation with citizens, however, does not reduce the key problem in communication between the Union - citizens: lack of adequate representation of citizens, representing a deficiency having in mind that its founding documents are declaring it as a representative Community. Even the citizens themselves are failing to launch political debate on specific issues at the European level that would be a challenge for the national governments. Democratic legitimization of European institutions requires a greater role of political parties and their revitalization at the European level, as well as open political competition involving the citizens The integration process of the European Union counties has caused serious democratic problems not only at the level of the Union, but also in the member states. "Democracy problems" in the member states deriving from the functioning of the Union are reflected differently in different national political systems. Unlike unitary governments, federal ones are better adapting to the pressure deriving form the integration within the European Union. Federal feature of organization in the state already implies the multiple levels of decision making and decentralization of powers, thus the system is easily adapting to the multiple levels of management within the European Union. This is not the case with countries that are traditionally centralized. The further EU development may be directed in retaining the current integration principles with the rationale that the democratic member states represent legitimacy guarantor of the Union. In the light of the above, the intergovernmental principle should supersede the supranational. However, a model that would transform the EU into a democratic community is federal. The European Union has elements of federalism and this structure lacks the capacity for taxation and possibility of proposing amendments to founding, constitutional contracts. Currently the existence of federal elements in the functioning of the Union is pinpointing that its further strengthening will not inevitably lead to the transformation of the Union into the community with federal character, but will most likely impact on reducing the existing democratic deficit However, the model that would transform the European Union into the Community with democratic feature is the federal one. The European Union has the federalism features, and this structure suffers the lack of taxation capacity and the option of proposing amendments to the founding and constitutional treaties. The current existence of federal elements within the functioning of the Union is implying that its additional strengthening will not inevitably generate the transformation of the Union into the Community of federal feature, yet it will affect the decline in the current democratic deficit. Scientific methods used in this thesis are based on specific topic and research objective. Therefore, the methodology inherent in political science, comparative method, content analysis of documents, as well as specialization are used to a large extent. In proving the hypotheses a great usage has found the synthesis, generalization, induction and deduction.

Predmet ovog rada jeste prikaz javno-privatnih partnerstava kao instrumenta za koji se pretpostavlja da bi, ukoliko bi se primenjivao prvenstveno na lokalnom, ali i na višim nivoima upravljanja, omoguéio vlastima u svakoj zemlji brži i kvalitetniji ekonomski razvoj društva. Iskustva moderno uređenih demokratskih društava u decentralizaciji vlasti po principima subsidijariteta i fiskalnog federalizma daju uvid u set mera i principa stvaranja dobrog poslovnog okruženja kao prim amog faktora privlačenja kapitala, a time i opšteg razvoj a države. Javno-privatna partnerstva su kao najsloženiji i najnoviji instrument podsticanja ekonomskog razvoja modemih država od posebnog značaja. Još uvek u fazi razvoja i u primeni u nekolicini najrazvijenijih demokratija, pred ovim složenim instrumentom tek leže pravi izazovi i budućnost. Stoga je cilj ovog rada prepoznavanje važnosti najsloženijeg instrumenata za podsticanje ekonomskog razvoja, a to su javno-privatna partnerstva i njihovo poznavanje u teoriji i kroz primenu u praksi. Ono je od velikog značaja sadašnjim i budućim kadrovima koji rade u javnoj upravi Srbije na svim nivoima. Naučni značaj ove teme j e u sistematskom prikazu i analizi modela javno-privatnih partnerstava. JPP su aktuelna tek od 90-ih godina, zemlje EU tek početkom 21.veka osnivaju posebna tela koja se pri vladama bave JPP, a Evropska komisija je tek 2004. izdala Zelenu knjigu o JPP, koja delimitino defunse i analizira JPP. Iz naučnog proizlazi i društveni značaj ovog rada, a to je bolje razumevanje JPP, podizanje svesti sadašnjih i buduéih kadrova u javnoj upravi o njihovom značaju i spremnosti da u predstojeéim reformama ispravno i kvalifikovano zastupaju interese društva u čije ime rade. Osim kao doprinos teoriji o javnoj upravi, ovaj rad ima veći značaj kao priručnik organima te iste uprave u poznavanju i primeni JPP kao instrumenta kojim se podstiče ekonomski razvoj. ; This paper focuses on the presentation of public-private partnerships (PPPs) as instruments which are assumed to enable faster economical development of municipalities and the country in total, for the authority of our country, if firstly applied locally, but then also on higher levels of management. The experiences of the modem democratic societies in the area of decentralization of the authority by the principles of subsidiarityand fiscal federalism, enable the insight to the set of measures and the principles of creating the good business environment as the primary factor of attracting investments, and subsequently enabling the general local development. Public-private partnerships are the most complex, and the latest instrument of special importance for encouraging the economic development of modem states. Still in the phase of development and applied in a few the most developed democracies only, this complex instrument is yet to face the real challenges and the future. Therefore the objective of this paper is recognizing the importance of the most complex instrument for encouraging the local economic development, which are the public-private partnerships and the theoretical and practical knowledge about them.This is of the most importance for current and future staff employed in the public administration of Serbia, at all levels. The scientific importance of this paper is the systematic presentation and analysis of the model of the public-private partnerships. PPPs have become more present since the 90's; at the beginning of the 21st century the EU countries have started forming special government bodiesto deal with PPPs, and the European commission has issued the Green book on PPPs only in 2004, which defines and partly analyses the PPPs. The outcome of the scientific significance of this paper is also the social one: the better understanding of the PPPs, lifting the awareness of the current and future staff employed in the public administration about their significance and competence to, in future reforms, correctly and skillfully represent the interest of the society in whose behalf they act. Beside the contribution to the theory about the local government, this paper has a greater meaning as a guide book for its administrative bodies, when addressing the issues of knowing and applying the PPPs as the instrument to encourage the economic development.

According to Council Regulation (EU) 2015/1588 of 13th July 2015 on the application of Articles 107 and 108 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union to certain categories of horizontal State aid the Commission may declare state aid for research&development and innovation compatible with the internal market and are not subject to the notification requirement of Article 108(3) TFEU. Authorized by mentioned Regulation, Commission adopted Regulation (EU) No 651/2014 of 17 June 2014 declaring certain categories of aid compatible with the internal market in application of Articles 107 and 108 of the Treaty and stipulated conditions under which state aid for research&development and innovation is exempted from the notification requirement. It does not mean that state aid which does not fulfill prescribed conditions is forbidden. State aid which does not fulfill envisaged conditions can be considered compatible with the internal market if after notification to the Commission it assessing it separately establishes that it satisfies each of the following criteria: contribution to a well-defined objective of common interest; need for State intervention; appropriateness of the aid measure; incentive effect; proportionality of the aid (aid limited to the minimum); avoidance of undue negative effects on competition and trade between Member States and transparency of aid. ; Published

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

In June 2010 the European Council adopted the Commission's proposal on the Strategy for employment and growth 'Europe 2020'. Responding to criticism that the previous Lisbon strategy did not succeed, among other reasons, because of its one-sided focus on economic growth and employment, the Commission lays out three mutually reinforcing priorities: smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. The text focuses on new strategic directions, priorities, sector initiatives and Integrated Guidelines in the area of economic end employment policies. Special attention was given to the dynamics of implementation, the tasks of the Union and obligations of the member states in the realisation of the Headline Targets. The importance of ecological and social components was stressed as having an important role in overcoming discovered difficulties and fulfillment of the envisioned goals during the next decade. 'Europe 2020' is the basis for national reform programs which will contain concrete measures to implement the strategy. The Commission has a control function, while the Council will once a year present an assessment of the progress the member states and the Union have achieved. The strategy has a special place in the process of association of new member states and in the assessment of the accomplished progress.

Ideja o značaju roditeljstva i njegovog uticaja na dečiji rast i razvoj, kao i razvoj društva u celini široko je prihvaćena i priznata, o čemu govore istraživanja iz ove oblasti, kao i sve veća pažnja i značaj koji se pridaje podršci roditeljima u Evropi i svetu. U zemljama Evropske unije oblast podrške roditeljima je godinama činila segment šireg političkog konteksta koji je sadržao intervencije i korektivne mere usmerene ka "rizičnim grupama" roditelja. U poslednje dve decenije, usled promena porodične politike u oblasti podrške roditeljima, sve više se govori o preventivnim aktivnostima koje se zasnivaju na konceptu ljudskog, odnosno društvenog kapitala. Teorija ljudskog kapitala pruža adekvatan okvir za razumevanje značaja investiranja u razvoj veština i znanja pojedinca kroz obrazovanje i podučavanje, insistirajući na odgovornosti za sopstveni status i napredak. U skladu sa tim, na podršku roditeljima se sve više gleda kao na značajnu socijalnu investiciju koja doprinosi dobrobitima dece, a roditeljske kompetencije se sagledavaju kao preduslov razvoja pojedinca i društva. Primenom analize sadržaja dokumenta – izveštaja Eurofonda i izveštaja Evropske komisije, da bismo stekli uvid u tendencije u okviru oblasti podrške roditeljima koja se razmatra sa stanovišta teorije ljudskog kapitala, sagledali smo elemente podrške i strukturu usluga, sferu politike i praktične primene u nekim zemljama EU. Integrisan pristup univerzalnim uslugama, raznovrsnost obima, organizacije, modeli usluga i finansiranje čine glavne odlike podrške roditeljima. Kritičkim sagledavanjem oblasti i postojećih tendencija, putem unapređivanja obrazovnih ishoda, definisanjem jedinstvenih kriterijuma kvaliteta i nacionalnih standarda moguće je unaprediti podršku roditeljima kako u kontekstu Evrope, tako i naše zemlje. ; The idea of importance of parenting and its impact on children's growth and development as well as on development of overall society, is widely accepted and acknowledged, as evidenced by the research in this field. It is also maintained by increasing attention and significance attached to support to parents, in Europe and worldwide. In the EU countries, the support to parents has been a part of a broader political context for years, with implied interventions and corrective measures directed at "at-risk groups" of parents. In the last two decades, due to changes in family policy in the field of support to parents, there has been an increasing talk of preventive activities based on the concept of human and social capital. Human capital theory provides a suitable framework for understanding the importance of investment into development of the individual's skills and knowledge through education and teaching, and insists on responsibilities for own status and progress. In this regard, the support to parents is increasingly seen as a significant social investment that contributes to wellbeing of children, while the parental competencies are seen as precondition for development of an individual and society. Using the content analysis of a document - the Eurofund report and the report of European Commission to gain the insight into trends in the field of support to parents observed from the standpoint of the human capital theory, we reflected on the elements of support and structure of services, political factors and practical use in some EU countries. Integrated approach to universal services, diversity of scope, organization, service models and financing are the main characteristics of support to parents. By critically reviewing the field and current trends, by improving educational outcomes, defining unique quality criteria and national standards, it is possible to improve support to parents both in Europe and our country. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

"Democracy provides an environment in which the protection of basic human rights is best guaranteed." (Our Global Neighborhood: The report of the Commission on Global Governance, New York 1998). A comparative analysis of available data on state security services of several European states and the US points to the fundamental theoretical tenets concerning the role and the functioning of these services in democratic environment. Since their beginnings, these agencies have been the chief instrument in national security protection. Historically, in various states and in different periods, the unique mission of security services - the protection of national security - has not included uniformity of content. Among other things, this is largely due to a lack of an unequivocal definition of the concept of national security and a miscellany of "perceptions" by the ruling structures of certain states. This is why security services in totalitarian regimes, in t name of protecting "national security", have violated human rights. Due to their specific role within national security systems, security services restri certain rights of certain individuals and organisations even in democratic societies. However, democratic societies are characterised by the fact that security services operate strictly within the law and that such violations are minimal. In other words, in democratic states, security services violate some civil rights in order to protect the key sections of national security, democratic society, and community rights. (SOI : SOEU: S. 150)

In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve "parallel institutions" of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn't find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidaturein December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handedover general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without "recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo"as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progresive Party will continue with current politics "both EU and Kosovo". Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo's politics. On the other side, Serbian politics "both EU and Kosovo" is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia's further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo's politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept " territorial integrity of Kosovo", including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs, Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dillemas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.