This study analyses the controversy and decidedly mixed views surrounding the EU defence collaboration in the 21stCentury. It investigates on the 21st Century challenges faced by the EU in its defence collaboration and itsimplications on interventionism. The EU defence collaboration was initially developed by historically fractiousWestern European states in the late 1940s as a response to growing threats posed by the Soviet Union. The EUdefence collaboration through-out the 90s showed some commendable level of unity which has since taken aparadigm shift in the 21st Century. Thus, the EU defence collaboration is deteriorating and needs to be revitalizedbefore the situation goes out of hand. Primary data analysis was used to solicit relevant data and thematic analysiswas used to analyse data obtained. The findings showed that, there is lack of unity of purpose among member statesin carrying out their defence mandates, lack of commitment by member states to meet their financial obligationsrequisite for effective and efficient defence collaboration and lack of trust among member states as the majorlimitations to the effective defence collaboration as member states are skeptical of each other's intentions. Hence,after a critical analysis of the data analysed, this research proposes that the EU should adopt sterner measures toensure that member states meets their financial obligations and that the EU should be consistent in its policies inorder to fulfil its mandates and obligations.
The focus of this article was to test the hypotheses (factors) of influence that enabled the EU and its partners to exert influence in Zimbabwe between 2002 and 2013. Four hypotheses volume of actions, severity of actions, commitment and the timing of actions have been tested. The article has also tested four hypotheses of non-influence (detracting factors) prestige, desirability of violations, internal power struggles and aid-dependence exhibited by the Mugabe regime during this period. The article concludes that it was due to the overwhelming weight of the foreign policy actions over the internal situation of Zimbabwe that finally pushed Mugabe to bowed down. The great lesson learned from the Zimbabwe experience is that the influencing state must evaluate the detracting factors in the target state well in order to select and maximise on the best influencing actions.
Refugees migrate from their countries to other countries in the study of migration because of natural disasters, famine, difficulty in getting jobs, and fear of war or armed conflict in their countries. The problem of the Syrian refugee crisis in 2011 due to armed conflict made Syrian refugees leave their country for Europe. In 2011 Syrian refugees began to enter Europe through waters, then UNHCR announced the status of refugees and encouraged the EU to respond with refugee acceptance. In 2012 the EU then adopted the Regional Protection Program - International protection regime in accepting refugees. Germany was then very enthusiastic in accepting refugees, so there were many refugee destinations to get protection. Through the German resettlement scheme then received many refugees. Through the Balkan lane the EU then negotiated with Turkey which made it easier for refugees to enter Europe, then it had implications for the increasing number of refugees entering Europe in 2015. This caused fears of the Balkan countries so that the peak of the Balkan lane was closing which resulted in a reduction in German revenue from the original plan of acceptance. Therefore, the author wants to confirm whether the Regional Protection Program - International protection regime is quite effective in carrying out the reception of Syrian refugees in 2013-2015. The writer uses Arild Uderdal's regime effectiveness concept, which consists of several variables such as problem type, problem-solving capacity, and the level of collaboration then to confirm the effectiveness of this regime.
This book explores regionalism in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and highlights the influence of the European Union (EU) as an extra-regional actor on the organization and integration process. The analysis is guided by theory and explains the emergence, institutional design and performance of SADC's major integration projects in the issue areas of the economy, security and infrastructure. It provides in this way a profound assessment of the organization as a whole. The study shows that South Africa plays a regional key role as driver for integration while external influence of the EU is ambivalent in character because it unfolds a supportive or obstructive impact. The author argues that the EU gains influence over regional integration processes in the SADC on the basis of patterns of asymmetric interdependence and becomes a 'game-changer' insofar as it facilitates or impedes solutions to regional cooperation problems.
This book explores regionalism in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and highlights the influence of the European Union (EU) as an extra-regional actor on the organization and integration process. The analysis is guided by theory and explains the emergence, institutional design and performance of SADC's major integration projects in the issue areas of the economy, security and infrastructure. It provides in this way a profound assessment of the organization as a whole. The study shows that South Africa plays a regional key role as driver for integration while external influence of the EU is ambivalent in character because it unfolds a supportive or obstructive impact. The author argues that the EU gains influence over regional integration processes in the SADC on the basis of patterns of asymmetric interdependence and becomes a "game-changer" insofar as it facilitates or impedes solutions to regional cooperation problems.
This study aims to elaborate potential effects of a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on the trading of goods and services between the European Union (EU) and Indonesia addressing issues considered to be impeding the conclusion of CEPA negotiations. Suppose the agreement between the EU and Indonesia improve economic relations while creating benefits for both. Indonesia and the EU began negotiation on the CEPA preparation in 2012. The CEPA has been presented as having the ability to help both parties take full advantage of unexploited economic relations. The CEPA is expected to be a comprehensive agreement discussing various aspects of economic relations and moved beyond being a simple agreement for removing trade barriers. The liberalization of international trade in goods remains to be an important aspect of the CEPA, investment promotion and facilitation, the improvement of trade in services, and the creation of improved competition policy practices would promote greater economic relations. Indonesia expects three major contributions from the CEPA, i.e.: First, the most obvious one relates to promotion of increased trade between Indonesia and the EU. The agreement's focus on trade liberalization will increase the intensity of trade relations by lowering trade barriers, and by facilitating trade; Second, expected contribution concerns the impact of liberalization on trade and investments in services; Third, enhanced technological advance and skills transfer in the goods, services and investment. A free trade agreement between the EU and Indonesia provides a more stable, balanced, and long-term framework to enhance trade and investment. Keywords: the EU, Indonesia, CEPA, liberalization, free trade Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan potensi efek dari Perjanjian Kemitraan Ekonomi Komprehensif (CEPA) mengenai perdagangan barang dan jasa antara Uni Eropa dan Indonesia, dan dalam penanganan isu-isu utama yang dianggap dapat menghambat perundingan CEPA. Seharusnya kesepakatan antara Uni Eropa dan Indonesia akan memperbaiki dinamika hubungan ekonomi yang ada, sekaligus menciptakan berbagai manfaat bagi keduanya. Indonesia dan Uni Eropa mulai melakukan negosiasi persiapan CEPA di tahun 2012. CEPA digambarkan memampukan kedua belah pihak memanfaatkan sepenuhnya hubungan ekonomi yang tidak saling mengeksploitasi hubungan ekonomi antara Uni Eropa dan Indonesia. CEPA diharapkan menjadi kesepakatan komprehensif dalam membahas berbagai aspek hubungan ekonomi tersebut, dan karenanya telah melampaui kesepakatan sederhana untuk penghapusan hambatan perdagangan. Sementara liberalisasi perdagangan internasional barang tetap sebagai aspek penting CEPA, promosi investasi dan fasilitasi, peningkatan perdagangan jasa, dan penciptaan praktik kebijakan persaingan yang lebih baik dalam promosi hubungan ekonomi yang lebih luas. Indonesia berharap adanya tiga kontribusi utama dari CEPA, yaitu: Pertama, yang paling nyata berkaitan dengan promosi peningkatan perdagangan antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa. Fokus kesepakatan pada liberalisasi perdagangan dapat meningkatkan intensitas hubungan perdagangan dengan menurunkan berbagai hambatan dagang, dan dengan memfasilitasi perdagangan; Kedua, kontribusi CEPA diharapkan berdampak pada liberalisasi perdagangan dan investasi jasa; Ketiga, peningkatan kemajuan teknologi dan keterampilan di sektor barang, jasa dan investasi. Adanya perjanjian perdagangan bebas (FTA) antara Uni Eropa dan Indonesia akan memberikan kerangka kerjasama yang lebih stabil, seimbang, dan berjangka panjang dalam peningkatan hubungan perdagangan dan investasi antar kawasan. Kata kunci: Uni Eropa, Indonesia, Perjanjian Kemitraan Ekonomi Komprehensif (CEPA), liberalisasi, pasar bebas
Aim: The influx of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants in Europe is an ongoing reality and migrant health has become very important public health problem. The aim of this paper is to analyze and compare the health profile, migrant situation and migration integration health policy in Spain as a European Union (EU) country and Republic of North Macedonia as a country in process of European Union accession. Methods: Migration Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) Health strand questionnaire (2015) was applied to compare health policies for migrant integration in both countries. Results: There are differences between Spain and Macedonia in health care coverage and access to health services for migrants. Spain has health strand total score of 52 and is in the same group with Austria, Ireland, Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden. Macedonia has lower health strand total score 38 and is in the same group with Turkey, Cyprus, Slovakia. Targeted migrant health policies are stronger and services more responsive in Spain compared to Macedonia which offers migrants legal entitlements to healthcare, but health services should be more culturally responsive to migrant health needs. Conclusion: Health migration policy in both countries is closely tied to the general immigration policy. Conflicts of interest: None declared.
