Suchergebnisse

In the study entitled "Nation as a constitutional concept" there are presented the ways of adapting the term "nation" for the legal positioning of people as a collective in the Polish constitutional acts, beginning with the first Polish Constitution of 1791, to the Republic of Poland's amended Constitution of 1997. There are analyzed the reasons of substituting the term "nation" in favour of other expressions in the constitutional act of 1935 and the reasons of the excessive use of the national rhetoric in the legal standards in the 1952 Constitution of People's Republic of Poland. Including the traditional meaning of the term "nation" for Poles and transformations of United Europe's countries character, in the article there are analyzed the relations between the term "nation", understood as citizens overall, and the definition of "society" and "civil society" including the citizens, residents of the state, independently of the citizen status. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

Research on economic voting in Poland have been carried out from the beginning of the democratic transformation, focusing on isolating and testing of the transition model specific to the countries of Central Europe. Its differentiating feature is a novel way of simultaneously joining the retrospective and prospective motivations in the behavior of voters, compared to the conventional model present in consolidated democracies. The purpose of the present article is to attempt to determine the relationship between the two types of electoral motivations identified above in the parliamentary elections, starting with the election of 1991 and ending with the 2011 elections. Based on analysis and constructive criticism of findings of other researchers and own research, the presented paper evidences that the validity of applying the transitional odel in the study of economic voting in Poland has been exhausted, as the prospective motivation is nowadays predominant in the decisions of voters. Keywords ; Narodowe Centrum Nauki

The point of interest in this paper is the issue of state-sponsored terrorism. The essence of this form of terrorism is the intentional (indirect or direct) support, offered by state sponsors to terrorist organizations, and the intention to let them achieve their political, strategic or tactical goals, usually concerning the citizens, governments or the territory of third-party countries. The paper presents a classification of the range of such support and concentrates on the analysis of the motives and means applied by the state sponsors. Owing to historical conditions and the range and scope of support granted, the paper uses the examples of Iran, Syria and Iraq. Only the former two states offer permanent support to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. After the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, Iraqi authorities have abandoned this activity as it was actually harmful to the interests of their country.

Collective bargaining in employment relations is one of the most important instruments for shaping the modern system of employment. An overall analysis of the Labour Code regulations on collective agreements negotiations allows to state it significantly formalizes the process of its commencement and conduct in the scope of voluntariness of their commencement and rules of performance as for their conduct, however some of the legislation should be criticized. Collective agreements negotiations should be conducted in good faith and with due regard for the legitimate interests of the other party. From the point of view of the conduct of collective agreements negotiations in good faith and with due regard for the legitimate interests of the other party an indication established as a result of the demands of the trade unions, which clearly exceed the financial capabilities of the parties of the workers' side, is doubtful, a contrario it shall be permitted to submit demands, which exceed these capabilities, but so far it is not clear. De lege ferenda is to request of resignation from the normative exemplification, what collective agreements negotiations in good faith are and leave the interpretation of the concept of "good faith" to judicature and doctrine. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

The purpose of the case study is to highlight the main stages, and their characteristics, in Polish foreign policy towards the Russian Federation in the twenty‑year period after the end of Cold War era. The particular attention has been paid to the most recent period in Polish‑Russian relations that falls between 2008 and 2011. Author emphasizes new accents in Polish foreign policy towards Russia, which were introduced by the Government of Donald Tusk after 2008. The principal thesis of the case study assumes that the character of Polish‑Russian relations in the post‑Cold War era did depend on Russia and its internal and external policy, including the policy towards Poland. However, it didn't depend on it entirely. The Polish‑ Russian relations were also conditioned by Poland, Polish foreign policy and, above all, by Polish policy towards Russia and its Western neighbors that had formed part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics before. These bilateral relations were also conditioned by the existence of Polish governing parties' political will to improve relations with Russia. Both sides, Poland and Russia, are responsible for the shape of Polish‑Russian dialogue. In opposition to the opinion that prevails in Poland, the Author reckons that the successive governing parties in this country are somewhat responsible for the poor condition of Polish‑Russian relations in the post‑Cold War era. In the case study the Author gives numerous arguments to back up his statement.

The aim of presented article is to examine regularities in the geographical distribution of support for the new political parties in Poland, Czech Republic and Slovakia. At the beginning of the study, nationwide results of analyzed parties were compared with results achieved in territorial units. On this basis, the author created an indicator showing the average profit (or loss) of a new grouping in relation to the share of votes at the national level. Subsequently, the author calculated the Pearson's correlation coefficients to evaluate the relationship between results of new political parties in the first elections they gained parliamentary seats. The results of the analysis show that only in case of Czech Republic, it is possible to distinct the territorial units where citizens are more likely to vote for new parties. Nevertheless, most of differences in the geographical distribution of support for new parties in analyzed countries arise from three interrelated factors: the specificity of the territorial unit, ideological autoidentification of population inhabiting a particular territorial unit and popularity of party leaders.

In the implementation of fiscal policy, public authority used many kinds of fiscal instruments. Except direct expenditures in achieving the policy objectives, many countries use tax preferences, tax reliefs which are called tax expenditures. Those instruments seem to be very similar, so they are often considered to be substitutes. However, because of their specificity, TEs seem to be less transparent and often beyond social control. Therefore, in implementing the principle of transparency of fiscal policy, it seems necessary to compare current instruments with their current control. ; W realizacji polityki fiskalnej wykorzystywane jest szerokie instrumentarium narzędzi władzy publicznej. Oprócz bezpośrednich wydatków budżetowych w osiąganiu celów tej polityki stosowane są konstrukcje określane mianem tax expenditures. Instrumenty te wykazują wiele podobieństw między sobą, dlatego często uznawane są za substytucyjne. Jednak ze względu na swoją specyfikę TEs wydają się być mniej transparentne i często pozostają poza kontrolą społeczną. Z tgo powodu w realizacji zasady transparentności polityki fiskalnej wydaje się być konieczne bieżące porównywanie stosowanych instrumentów wraz z bieżącą ich kontrolą.

Fragile states pose a risk to regional and global security and an immense challenge to international development cooperation. The term fragile states generally refers to countries with dysfunctional, deteriorating or collapsed central authorities, as well as weak, failed, failing and collapsed states. In recent years they have attracted considerable and increased attention in the international development community, including the German development policy. Documents such as the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) strategy "Developmentoriented Transformation in Conditions of Fragile Statehood and Poor Government Performance" and the guidelines on dealings with troubled states demonstrate that the German development cooperation has tried to tailor its approaches to these circumstances. This new policy crosses ministry boundaries and sets out a framework of closely action for the German foreign ministry, the defense ministry and the ministry for economic cooperation. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards fragile states, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future. Key words: fragile states, development policy, development cooperation, Germany, ODA, aid

ISAF operation is one of the hardest missions in the history of Polish Armed Forces in the Post‑Coll War era. Polish Army activity in Afghanistan is also noticeable among other NATO countries. However military involvement in this operation meets a number of challenges, especially when it comes to national security and defence policy. The article discusses these problems, such as: financial aspects of PKW Afghanistan; its influence on the process of modernization of Polish Army; military actitivy in Ghazni province; ideas to withdraw Polish forces prematurely; or political aspects of Polish involvement in Central Asia. Author distinguished several positive and negative aspects of Polish participation in the ISAF operation. Among negative, author listed e.g. the lack of complex solutions (financial, political, organizational) implemented by Poland to improve the security and functioning of PKW Afghanistan. However, it has to be also noted that the military involvement in Afghanistan allows to strengthen Polish position in the Atlantic Alliance. It also caused a major shift in the process of modernization of Polish Army.