The book approaches the history of Finnish development cooperation through the experiences of development aid workers. At its core is a small group of Finns (experts and officials from different fields) who have worked with international development aid in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Their memories and experiences, together with diverse archival material offer an interesting window into the world of development (cooperation), or "Aidland", from the 1960s to the turn of the millennium. The research focuses on the personal motives and experiences of Finnish aid workers from the 1960s to the 2000s. The book offers perspectives on the historical construction of Aidland since the 1940s and on the gradual integration of Finland and the Finns into its structures. It describes the mindset of the first two generations of aid workers and the factors that made them interested in developing countries. The book follows their education, their first contacts with Aidland, adaptation to work and conditions, returning home and the challenges that come with it. The study gives the reader a view of the power positions, hierarchies and contradictions in Aidland and development cooperation, which at times led Finns to reassess their motives and justify to themselves the meaningfulness of the entire undertaking. Through their experiences, the book also deals with the less-known side of development cooperation, such as corruption, prejudices, and opposition to development projects, as well as their occasionally unwanted consequences in partner/recipient countries. It also sheds light on the effects of the Aidland experience on an individual's worldview and identity. The book is an academic study suitable for a wide audience, from university students to ordinary readers interested in development cooperation. The book helps to understand both the history of development and the construction of multi-level connections of Finnish society with the countries of the Global South. It is therefore also ideally suited for readers interested in the development of Finland's internationalization in the late twentieth century. For its part, the book contributes to wider public debates on development cooperation.
The Centre Party of Finland was represented in almost all cabinets for decades, and it often held the post of prime minister during the reign of President Urho Kekkonen. When Kekkonen's deteriorating health forced him to resign in 1981, the Centre Party, formerly the Agrarian Union, was in front of the crisis. The party was deeply divided along the lines of who would be the best candidate to succeed Kekkonen. The schism had prevailed for years, and contemporaries suspected the party would split up or at least lose its dominant position in Finnish politics. Besides, the numbers of core supporters making up the party, agrarians, were constantly diminishing. In addition, the Finnish party system was in a state of flux. The Finnish People's Democratic League was in a deep downward spiral, while the Conservative Party's support was ascendant. The power struggle between the three 'big' parties, the Centre Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Conservative Party, was fierce. The study describes and analyses how the Center Party survived the challenges it faced. How was the cohesion of the party rebuilt and maintained? How did the Centre Party manage to survive the inter-party contests and end up being the strongest party in the elections of 1991? The study is firmly based on source material from the party organization of the Centre Party and other relevant political actors, such as President Mauno Koivisto. The book provides new information on both Finnish domestic and foreign politics and the power struggles among the parties and leading political figures.
The book presents the biographies and work lists of 126 Finnish women composers born between 1784 and 1909. Based on large-scale archival research, it is the first comprehensive historical account of Finnish women composers and their cultural heritage. The authors draw on feminist music history and the sociohistorical approach to find out who these women were, what kind of music they wrote, and how their careers reflected European cultural and social history. The treatise highlights the influence of girls' schools, women's suffrage movements and other socio-political developments on the musical culture of women. Concepts such as "composer", "woman" and "Finnish" were assumed to be open and inclusive throughout the research, in terms of both musical style and diversity in cultural background. In concentrating on music-making by women, the book opens up radically new vistas on Finland's music and cultural history, and it rectifies previous erroneous conceptions about women's composership and their artistic work. In short, it exposes the richness in the sonic and intellectual heritage of Finnish women composers, as well as its significance in society today.
Finland was an autonomous Grand Duchy in the Russian Empire during the years 1808–1917. At this time nationalism as well as other ideologies reached Finland from Europe, which strengthened the willingness to change both in society and on a governmental level. The Fennoman movement, which was a movement focusing both on language and on nationalism, became the core of the Finnish self-perception. The goal was to define Finland as a coherent and separate country in relation to its neighbouring countries. Collecting folk poems and learning to know one's home country became essential. People saw the Kalevala poems as a way to understand and define the Finnish identity and the history of the Finnish people. Especially young people with a background in academia were intrigued by these ideas. University students collected poems all over the Grand Duchy of Finland as well as in the Russian part of Carelia, in Sweden, Norway and in Ingria. Students who collected these folk poems also wrote travelogues about their travels and all this material was handed over to The Finnish Literature Society. These documents are unique and there has not been much research done on them, especially with the focus on how the young academic generation during the age of autonomy defined their home country, their national self-perception, themselves and the commoners living in the rural parts of the country. This book reviews travelogues written by one hundred university students who travelled in the country collecting folk poems during 1836–1917. The book offers insight into how the students described Finland and what it meant to be Finnish. Travelogues can be defined as a sort of hybrid of texts. They consist of a mixture of letters, journals, biographical texts and travel books. Consequently, the image that the students depict of Finland is in this study based upon research perspectives and methods used in textual research, oral history and travel literature. The travelogues written by students previously evoked the interest of researchers who mainly studied certain traits of poem collectors, tradition bearers or poems. However, the travelogues contain plenty of information about the lives of the people who lived in the areas where the poems were collected. The descriptions of Finland in the travelogues do not represent the "real" 19th century Finland, but instead it is a story written and created by university students. The characteristics that are presented in The Land of Hope are based on how the intelligentsia perceived "real" Finnishness as opposed to the uneducated commoners living in the rural parts of the country. The most notable themes in the travelogues are the state and the future of the society and of being Finnish. Another theme is the otherization of those who were uneducated commoners. These themes describe the fears and hopes that university students had about Finland. They also show us that the travelogues were ideological texts about Finland and Finnishness that united the collectors of folk poetry. This book studies the collection of folk poetry in the context of the ideologies during the age of autonomy and it explains what the collection of poems meant and who were involved in it. Furthermore, the book gives an insight into the possibilities to pursue academic studies and it also presents the most essential sources of students' knowledge about Finland at that point of time.
The volume Remembered and Imagined Soviet Union addresses memories, conceptions, and images relating to the Soviet past from the perspective of cultural memory. The book explores how the Soviet Union has been recalled and how it has been depicted in cultural products like literature, museum exhibitions, art and the media. Instead of trying to say what the Soviet Union was, the book analyses the ways in which Finns, Russians and Estonians have viewed the Soviet past at different times. The book answers the following questions: What is remembered about the Soviet past? How has the country been represented in various cultural texts? What is forgotten or not talked about? The book consists of chapters by scholars of history, literature and art studies. They look at key themes of the Soviet past in the framework of cultural memory, with topics including space conquest, the superiority of the hockey team, known as the "Red machine", political propaganda, and persecution of minorities.
This book deals with approaches, sources, and methods in health history from the middle ages to the twentieth century. Individual chapters demonstrate how historians of medicine and health choose their methodological approaches and form interpretations from primary sources. They discuss the practices of writing and show how obstacles in the research process can be overcome. Practical examples of source materials, used methods and research challenges give tools to students for carrying out projects independently and help them to understand different possibilities in the field of health history. In this book, history of health includes but is not limited to medical science. Emphasising medical pluralism, it places (public) health in a cultural and social field encompassing official and unofficial practitioners, medical institutions, and patients. Individual case studies highlight themes in Finnish, European, and African history.
The great change in European relations with Russia took place in 1478 when Muscovy replaced the trading Republic of Novgorod as a neighbor of Sweden, Livonia and Lithuania. Western Europe was since that year bordering to a bellicose great power with large resources causing dread. The feelings of dread caused by Russia with Czars like Ivan the Terrible became a standing theme in printed matter as well as politics and the image of Russia became very much similar to the image of Turkey, which threatened Europe from South-East. Various, usually rather negative, stereotype expressions characterized the vocabulary of the 16th century. The Peace of Stolbova in 1617 started a period of successive change. The era of Sweden as a Great Power led to growing knowledge about Russia in almost every respect, but it was still based on the already accepted stereotypes. They started, however, typically to seem more diluted and thin with time. The image of Russia as a threat was to a growing extent replaced by an image of a possibility. The perhaps most remarkable but rather unoriginal printed Swedish description of Russia of the era was Regni Muschovotici Sciographia, published by Petrus Petrejus. At the final stage of Sweden's era as a great power there was a substantial widening but also polarization of the information on Russia. The Russian reform process during Tsar Peter I also began to influence the minds after the turn of the century in 1700. One of the principal describers of this process was Lars Johan Malm (Ehrenmalm), whose large manuscript about the power of the Russian Empire of that time, Några Anmärkningar Angående det Ryska Rijkets Nuvarande Macht from 1714, never reached the printers due to intervention from censors.
Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Preface by Series Editor Antonio Loprieno -- Vorwort / Foreword -- Sophie Charlotte (1668–1705): Die Frau, die das Warum des Warum wissen wollte / Sophia Charlotte (1668–1705): The Woman Who Wanted to Know the Why of Why -- Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresia als Gründerin der Brüsseler Akademie (1717–1780) / Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresa as Founder of the Academy in Brussels (1717–1780) -- Lovisa Ulrikas (1720–1782) akademi: Sveriges första vittra kungliga akademi / Lovisa Ulrika's (1720–1782) academy: Sweden's first learned society -- Katharina die Große als Patronin von Bildung und Wissenschaften im Russischen Imperium (1729–1796) / Catherine the Great as patron of education and sciences in the Russian Empire (1729–1796) -- Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): La prima donna eletta nell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei / Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): The first woman elected to the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei -- Beatrice Webb (1858–1943): "A career of disinterested research" -- Maria Skłodowska Curie (1867–1934), kobieta uczona / Maria Skłodowska-Curie (1867–1934), two-time Nobel laureate -- Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pionierin der Atomphysik / Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pioneer in Nuclear Physics -- La primera acadèmica catalana: Caterina Albert (1869–1966) / The first female academy fellow in Catalonia: Caterina Albert (1869– 1966) -- Johanna Westerdijk, an extraordinary professor and pioneer in plant pathology (1883–1961) -- Cosán corrach Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975) / Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975): "And there were other barriers" -- Professori Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): suomalainen tiedenainen arkeologiassa / Professor Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): A Finnish female scientist in archaeology -- Dorothy Hodgkin (1910–1994): Crystallographer, Chemist, and Role Model -- The Editors / The Authors
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries.
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries
For the first time worldwide, this collection brings together analyses of the last two centuries of historical change around the shores and drainage basin of Lake Ladoga, Europe's largest lake. The main focus of the narrative is the Northern Ladoga region, which was a Finnish administrative area between 1812 and 1944. After the Second World War, the entire shoreline of Lake Ladoga was incorporated into the northeast part of Russia's border region, the Autonomous Republic of Karelia and the Leningrad Province. The main theme uniting this collection is how the relationship between humans and nature is shaped by industrialization and modernization in society. Other key issues include protecting nature and perspectives on particular places and times, which are reflected in the methodological and thematic choices made in this volume. The research framework set by the editor, Professor Maria Lähteenmäki, is the new lakefront history (Finn. uusi rantahistoria), focusing on approaches to environmental, economic and sensory history of lakes. To draw broad conclusions, on the one hand, the multilevel changes on the lakefront cannot be understood without knowledge of the history of the wider drainage basin, and awareness of the geopolitics of the region and the climate changes. On the other hand, the human relationship to natural waters has changed significantly in 200 years. Thinking in terms of economic benefit has gradually given way to principles of sustainable development. Lake Ladoga is also being redefined from a spatial perspective, as nationalist ownership of the region is coupled with global concern about the state of Europe's largest lake.
Tutkimuksessa selvitetään, missä määrin työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa toteutetaan alueellisesti eri tavalla eli toteutuuko valvonta työpaikoilla yhtenäisesti eri puolilla Suomea. Tutkimuksen ennakko-oletuksena on, että merkittävä syy työsuojeluvalvonnan alueelliseen erilaisuuteen on valvonnan organisointi viiden itsenäisen aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueen tehtäväksi. Työsuojeluhallintoa ja työsuojeluvalvonnan toteutumisen yhtenäisyyttä työpaikoilla ei ole tutkittu tieteellisesti 2000-luvulla. Tämä tutkimus arvioi työsuojeluhallinnon rakennetta ja valvonnan toteutumista sekä hallinnon että työpaikkojen näkökulmasta. Tutkimus antaa sekä tieteellisesti perusteltuja teoreettisia että hallinnon asiakkaiden näkökulmia työsuojeluhallinnossa käynnissä olevaan valvonnan yhtenäistämiskehitykseen. Tutkimuksen teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on hallinnon evaluaatiotutkimus, joka tarkoittaa hallinnon toimivuuden arviointia käyttäjä- ja asiakasnäkökulmasta. Työsuojeluhallinto toteuttaa työpaikoille kohdistuvaa työsuojeluvalvontaa työsuojelutarkastuksina, jolloin hallinnon asiakkaita ovat työpaikat ja niiden työnantajat ja työntekijät. Pääasiallisena tutkimusaineistona ovat valvontatietojärjestelmä Veran raportit ja niistä tehdyt 27 valvonnan alueellista vertailua sekä henkilöhaastattelut, jotka kohdistuvat 52:een työsuojeluhallinnon, työmarkkinajärjestöjen ja työpaikkojen työsuojeluhenkilöön. Tutkimuksessa on kolme päälukua: työsuojeluhallituksen aika 1973-1993, itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aika vuodesta 1993 lähtien sisältäen työmarkkinajärjestöjen roolin työsuojeluvalvonnassa ja valvonnan alueellinen vertailu. Tutkimusmatkani kohti yhtenäistä työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa alkoi työsuojeluhallituksesta, joka perustettiin vuonna 1973 osana hyvinvointivaltion rakentamista ja valtiojohtoista suunnitteluoptimismia. Valtiollinen työsuojelu koottiin yhden ministeriön alaisuuteen. Työsuojeluhallituksen aikana oli keskusjohtoinen, ainakin osittain yhtenäinen työsuojeluvalvonta, mutta keskusviraston toiminta ei onnistunut, koska työnantajat vastustivat sitä koko ajan pitäen sen toimintaa konspiratiivisena, vehkeilevänä. Työsuojeluhallitus lakkautettiin vuonna 1993 osana keskusvirastojärjestelmän purkamista 1990-luvun alun taloudellisen laman seurauksena. Valtion harjoittamaa sääntelyä purettiin hallinnon kaikilla sektoreilla, ja hallintoa madallettiin lähemmäksi asiakasta. Valtion merkitystä vähennettiin koko yhteiskunnassa ja hyvinvointivaltiosta tehtiin kilpailuvaltio, jolloin markkinaliberalismi ja New Public Management voimistuivat. Työsuojeluhallituksen lakkautuksessa tehtiin ehkä muutakin politiikkaa; pirstaloimalla valvovaa hallintoa heikennettiin samalla työpaikoille kohdistuvaa keskitettyä valvonnan voimaa. Itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aikana vuodesta 1993 lähtien entisten työsuojelupiirien ja nykyisten aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueiden toiminnallinen itsenäisyys korostui. Hallinnon toiminnassa näkyy, ettei työsuojeluvalvonnalla ole yhteistä keskusjohtoa. Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriön työ- ja tasa-arvo-osasto, jonka alaisuuteen työsuojelu keskushallinnossa kuuluu, toteuttaa Kansainvälisen työjärjestön ILO:n (International Labour Organization) sopimusten tulkintaa, että työsuojeluhallinto on riippumaton valvontatehtävää suorittaessaan eikä ministeriö siten puutu valvonnan alueellisiin menettelytapoihin. Tutkimus käsittelee myös työsuojeluhallinnon laajaa yhteistyötä työmarkkinajärjestöjen kanssa. Järjestöt osallistuvat kaikkeen päätöksentekoon, jossa käsitellään hallinnon tavoitteita, painopisteitä, valvontaohjeita ja resursseja. Tutkimuksessa arvioidaan edustuksellisen demokratian näkökulmasta korporatiivisen etujärjestövaikutuksen ja hallinnon suhdetta riippumattoman työsuojeluvalvonnan päätöksenteossa ja toimeenpanossa. Tarkastuskertomuksiin perustuva alueellisen valvonnan vertailu osoittaa, että työsuojeluvalvonta on eriytynyt vastuualueittain. Työpaikkojen kunnossaolo määritellään usein eri tavalla, joten tarkastajien valvoma työturvallisuuden minimitaso ei toteudu yhdenmukaisesti koko maassa. Siten velvoitteita korjata tai poistaa työturvallisuusepäkohtia annetaan eri tavalla ja lopputuloksena on se, ettei työnantajia kohdella tasapuolisesti. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä on, että työsuojeluvalvonta on osa kansallista hallintotoimintaa ja laillisuusvalvontaa, ei alueellista tai paikallista hallintoa. Työsuojelu ei eroa toimialoittain maantieteellisesti, koska eri ammattialojen työ on pääpiirteissään samanlaista koko maassa ja niiden työturvallisuus ei juurikaan eroa maantieteellisesti. Tämän vuoksi myös työsuojeluvalvonnan pitäisi olla yhdenmukaista koko maassa. Suomeen pitäisi perustaa Pohjoismaiden mallin mukainen työsuojelun keskusorganisaatio, joka koordinoisi yhtenäistä laillisuusvalvontaa samalla tavalla kuin Poliisihallitus, Syyttäjälaitos ja uusi Tuomioistuinvirasto koordinoivat toimialojensa laillisuusvalvontaa ja toiminnan menettelytapoja. ; This study examines the extent to which workplace occupational safety and health (OSH) enforcing is carried out differently across the Finnish regions, in other words whether workplace enforcing is uniform across Finland. The presupposition of the study is that an important reason for the regional disparity in labour inspection is the decentralized organization of the inspection to by the five independent divisions of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The OSH administration and the uniformity of the implementation of OSH in the workplace have not been scientifically studied in the 21st century. This study assesses the structure and implementation of the OSH administration from the perspective of both the administration and the workplace. The study provides a scientifically justified analysis covering both theoretical and customers' perspectives on OSH management and the ongoing integration of health and safety enforcement. The chosen theoretical approach of the study is the administrative evaluation framework, which means assessing the functionality of administration from the user and customer perspective. The Labour Inspectorate carries out workplace safety inspections in the form of occupational safety inspections, whereby the customers of the administration are the workplaces and their employers and employees. The main research material are OSH inspection database Vera reports and personal interviews carried out with 52 persons in the job protection administration, labour organizations and employment OSH personnel. The study consists of three main empirical chapters: the Labour Protection Board, the Central Office 1973-1993, the independent Regional Labour Inspectorate since 1993, including the role of labour organizations in labour inspection and the regional comparison of labour inspection. Shift towards an integrated job labour inspection started with the Labour Protection Board which was established in 1973 as part of the construction of the welfare state during the era of optimism in state-directed planning State labour protection was brought together under one ministry. The Labour Protection Board the system was center-led, at least regarding uniform occupational health and safety enforcing, but the Board's operations were not successful, mainly because the employers were opposed to it throughout its existence. The Labour Protection Board was abolished in 1993 as part of the dismantling of the central office system that followed the economic recession in the early 1990s. State regulation in all sectors of government was decentralized and administration was brought closer to the customers. The role of the state was diminished in society as a whole and the welfare state became a competitive state, with neoliberalism and New Public Management becoming stronger. Other objectives were also part of the decision to abolish the Labour Protection Board; at the same time, the fragmentation of supervisory authorities weakened the efficiency of workplace control. The era of the independent regional labour inspectorates since 1993 underlines the functional independence of the former OSH Inspectorate and the current division of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The operation shows that there is no common central management for labour enforcement. The Department for Work and Gender Equality of the Social and Health Ministry, which is responsible for occupational safety in central administration, interprets International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions as meaning that the labour administration is independent in carrying out its supervisory function. Thus, the Ministry does not interfere with regional control procedures. The study also deals with the extensive co-operation between the labour protection administration and the labour market organizations. Trade unions are involved in all decision-making concerning management objectives, priorities, control guidelines and resources. The study examines the influence of corporatist interest groups and the governance of occupational health and safety enforcing decision-making and implementation from the perspective of representative democracy. A comparison of regional control based on inspection reports shows that OSH control of occupational health and safety has varied between the regional divisions. The condition of workplaces is often defined differently, so the minimum level of occupational safety supervised by inspectors is not uniformly applied throughout the country. Thus, obligations to remedy or eliminate occupational safety deficiencies in workplaces are given different treatment and the result is that employees are not treated equally. The conclusion of the study is that health and safety control should be in the competence of national administration and judicial review, not regional or local administration. Occupational safety and health does not differ geographically by industry, as the work of the various occupations is broadly similar throughout the country and there is little geographical variation in occupational safety. For this reason, labour inspection should also be uniform throughout the country. Finland should set up the Nordic model of a more centralized OSH system, which would coordinate an integrated review of legality in the same way as the National Police Board, the Prosecutor's Office and the Court of Justice co- ordinate the law enforcement and operational procedures of their respective sectors.
Väitöskirjan tavoitteena on selvittää valtiontukisääntelyn ja sen tulkinnan yhteyttä EU:n politiikkaan sekä käytettyihin taloudellisiin ajattelutapoihin. Politiikan lisäksi väitöskirjassa tarkastellaan erityisesti tukikilpailuun liittyvän taloustieteellisen keskustelun vaikutusta valtiontukisääntelyyn. Lisäksi tavoitteena on selvittää, miten tavoitteet tosiasiassa ohjaavat valtiontukisääntelyn kehitystä ja miten nämä tavoitteet mahdollisesti kehittävät valtiontukisääntelyä tulevaisuudessa. Valtiontukipolitiikkaa harjoitetaan pääasiassa SEUT 170(3)(c) -artiklan nojalla. Artikla on poikkeus SEUT 107(1) -artiklan sisältämään laajaan valtiontukikieltoon. SEUT 107(3)(c) -artikla mahdollistaa sellaisten tukien myöntämisen, jotka tuottavat enemmän yhteistä etua kuin haittaavat kilpailua sisämarkkinoilla. EU:n tuomioistuin on vahvistanut, että Euroopan komissiolla on laaja harkintavalta arvioidessa, mitkä tuet täyttävät tämän artiklan edellytykset. Komissio onkin toteuttanut valtiontukipolitiikkaa pitkälti tämän artiklan soveltamisella. Väitöskirjassa on kolme tutkimuskysymystä. Ensimmäinen tutkimuskysymys on "Mitkä ovat olleet merkittävimmät valtiontukisääntelyyn vaikuttavat taustaolettamat ja tavoitteet?" Tutkimuskysymykseen vastataan tutkimuksen luvuissa 2, 3 ja 4, joissa käsitellään valtiontukisääntelyn taustalla vaikuttanutta politiikkaa, sääntelyn historiallista kehitystä sekä tukikilpailuun liittyvää tutkimusta. Merkittävin valtiontukisääntelyn tavoite on ollut estää jäsenvaltioiden välistä tukikilpailua, jonka on katsottu haittaavan kaikkia jäsenvaltioita. Taustaolettamana on ollut, että tukikilpailussa kaikki sisämarkkinoilla toimivat jäsenvaltiot häviävät, ja jos valtiontukipolitiikkaa ei säännellä, jäsenvaltiot tukevat yrityksiään, mikä johtaa tukikilpailuun. Toiseksi tavoitteeksi tukikilpailun estämisen rinnalle on 2000-luvun taitteessa noussut tavoite poistaa markkinahäiriöitä valtiontuilla. Näitä markkinahäiriötä ovat olleet mm. kasvihuonekaasupäästöihin liittyvät ulkoisvaikutukset ja finanssikriisi. 2010-luvulla valtiontukisääntelyn tavoitteena on ollut myös lisätä talouskasvua ja parantaa ympäristön tilaa. Näiden lisäksi valtiontukisääntelyä ja komission julkaisuja tarkastelemalla voidaan havaita yksi EU:n toimivaltaan kuulumaton valtiontukisääntelyn tavoite: jäsenvaltioiden varojen säästäminen. Toinen tutkimuskysymys on "Miten nämä [tavoitteet ja taustaolettamat] ovat historian saatossa näkyneet valtiontukisääntelyssä ja komission toiminnassa?". Tutkimuskysymykseen vastataan luvuissa 1.5, 3 ja 4, joissa käsitellään valtiontukisääntelyn historiaa osana EU:n historiaa sekä nykyisen sääntelyn tavoitteita ja muutoksia. Historiallisesti tukikilpailun estäminen on ollut voimakkaimmin näkyvä tavoite, sillä valtiontukipolitiikka ja sääntelyn tulkinta ovat kiristyneet koko EU:n historian ajan, ja Unionin tuomioistuin on katsonut yhä useampia tukia kielletyksi valtiontueksi. Myös komissio on jatkuvasti kiristänyt linjaansa katsoen yhä useampia tukia sisämarkkinoille soveltumattomaksi valtiontueksi. Viimeisin merkittävä kehitys on ollut erilaisiin verotukiin puuttuminen 2010-luvulla. Tämän lisäksi myös tavoitteet markkinahäiriön poistamisesta ja talouskasvun lisäämisestä ovat näkyneet sääntelyssä. Markkinahäiriön poistamisen nojalla komissio on sallinut valtavasti ympäristö- ja erityisesti energiatukia. Nämä tuet ovat nykyään suurin tukiryhmä EU:ssa. Talouskasvua taas on pyritty lisäämään sallimalla yhä useampien erilaisten talouskasvulle hyväksi katsottujen tukien myöntäminen, osittain jopa luopuen tavoitteesta estää tukikilpailua. Kolmas tutkimuskysymys on "Miten nykyiset ympäristö- ja energiatuet sopivat tähän kehitykseen ja voidaanko tukipolitiikan katsoa muuttuneen näiden vuoksi?". Tutkimustulosten perusteella ympäristö- ja energiatukiin liittyvä komission sääntely on pyrkinyt lisäämään näitä tukia. Tuet sopivat teoriassa hyvin valtiontukien systematiikkaan, koska sallitut tuet eivät vääristä kilpailua voimakkaasti, mutta ne lisäävät yhteistä etua ja samalla säästävät jäsenvaltioiden varoja turhalta tukemiselta. Tämä perustuu tosin pitkälti komission asettamaan teoreettiseen viitekehykseen ja ennalta määrättyihin päätöksentekosääntöihin ilman empiiristä tarkastelua. Loppulauseena voidaankin todeta, että valtiontukipolitiikka perustuu pitkälti ajatukseen, että jäsenvaltiot tukevat yrityksiään, jos se vain sallitaan. EU-tasolla tapahtuvien päätösten rahankäytöstä katsotaan olevan järkevämpiä kuin jäsenvaltioiden tasolla tapahtuvien päätösten. Tämän vuoksi valtiontukipolitiikka on perustunut siihen, että yhteisen hyvän mukaiset tuet sallitaan, ja jäsenvaltiot tukevat halutessaan. Tähän mennessä politiikka on ollut tehokasta, koska jäsenvaltiot käyttävät merkittävästi varoja sellaisten kohteiden tukemiseen, jotka on erikseen sallittu SEUT 107(3)(c) -artiklan nojalla. ; The goal of this thesis was to find out how state aid regulation and interpretation of the regulation are connected to EU policies and economic theories used to form said policies. In addition to studying the policies, the effects of economic theory related to subsidy competition is studied. The goal of this thesis is to find out how these policy goals affect state aid regulation and how these goals will affect state aid regulation in the future. The state aid policy is mostly based on TFEU article 107(3)(c). The article contains an exception to the broad state aid prohibition in TFEU article 107(1). TFEU article 107(3)(c) enables granting aids that facilitate economic development and common good more than it adversely affects trading conditions within the internal market. CJEU has stated that the European Commission has broad discretion when evaluating which aids meet the criteria set in TFEY article 107(3)(c). The commission has used this article to execute state aid policy in the EU. The thesis contains three research questions. The first research question is "What are the most significant presumptions and goals affecting state aid regulation?". This research question is answered in chapters 2, 3 and 4, which study the policies behind state aid regulation, the historical development of state aid regulation and the research related to the subsidy competition. The most significant goal for state aid regulation has been to prevent subsidy competition between member states, which has been seen to harm all member states. The presumption behind state aid regulation has been that in subsidy competition everybody loses, and that if national state aid policies are left unregulated, all member states will subsidy their companies, which will lead to subsidy competition. In the 2000s, another goal of the state aid regulation has been to use the state aids to prevent market failures. Market failures referred to in this goal are e.g. externalities related to greenhouse gases and financial crisis. In addition to these goals, one other goal of state aid regulation in the 2010s has been promoting economic growth and improving the environment. Additionally, one other state aid policy goal that is not within the EU jurisdiction can be derived from state aid regulation and the commission's publications: saving member states' public funds. The second research question is "How these [goals and presumptions] have affected state aid regulation and the commission's actions in history". This research question is answered in chapters 1.5, 3, and 4, which study state aid history within the EU history and the current regulation's goals, as well as changes in current legislation. Historically, the most significant goal has been preventing subsidy competition; the state aid policy and the interpretation of the regulation have become more and more strict during the whole history of the EU. In addition to this, CJEU has deemed more and more aids incompatible with the internal market. The commission has continuously tightened its decisions and deemed more and more aids incompatible with the internal market, the last significant change being the state aid decisions regarding different tax measures in the 2010s. In addition to this, goals to remove market failure and to promote growth have influenced the regulation and its interpretation. In order to remove market failures, the commission has allowed significant subsidy programs for environment and renewable energy. These subsidies are currently the largest subsidy group in the EU. Economic growth has been promoted by allowing more and more different aids that are seen beneficial to growth, even partially abandoning the goal to prevent subsidy competition. The third research question is "How are the current environmental and energy aids suited for this development and is the subsidy policy changed due to this development". Results show that the commission regulation related to environmental and energy aids is designed to increase the amount of these aids. These aids are theoretically aligned with the state aid system, because the allowed aids do not significantly disturb competition, but they promote common good and simultaneously save public funds from useless subsiding. This conclusion is mostly based on theoretical framework and predetermined decision-making rules without any empirical evaluation. As a conclusion, it can be stated that the state aid policy is mostly based on the idea that member states will grant aids if it is allowed. Additionally, it is also based on the idea that the financial decision-making is better on the EU level than on the national level. In result, the basis of the state aid policy has been that aids beneficial to common good are allowed, and it is up to the member states to grant the aids if they want to. This policy has been effective because member states have been using significant amounts of funding to the goals allowed in TFEU article 107(3)(c).
Ex ante assessment of regulatory impact upon businesses: A neo-institutional study on the context, international influences, and Finnish experiences Regulatory impact assessment (RIA) has an established place in the European Union and its member states. This article considers evolving Finnish ex ante RIA concerning certain regulatory costs to firms. Drawing upon a neo-institutional theoretical framework and proposing three generally oriented hypotheses we received the following results. (1) The rationality of theevolving Finnish ex ante RIA of selected administrativeregulatory costs to firms gives rise issuesgiven the low implementation rate of thegeneral natonal RIA guidelines. (2) Reference to the ex ante RIA of regulatory costs to firmsin other countries has served the legitimation of preferred procedures in Finland rather than offerssolid evidence on the rationality of the foreign procedures. (3) Without a stronger contextualization of the evolving Finnish ex ante RIAmof regulatory costs to firms its procedures risk adverse effects because of their confined scope, the uneven quality of their input data, and their weak connections to the general national ex ante RIA. These results suggest the redesign of the Finnish RIA to take better into account the institutional, political, historical and cultural characteristicsof governance in this country. Keywords: regulatory impact assessment, public policy evaluation, public policymaking, lawmaking, legal policy, deregulation ; Peer reviewed