Suchergebnisse

Politična participacija je ključnega pomena za delovanje in razvoj koncepta demokracije, saj predstavlja orodje, prek katerega lahko državljani izvajajo pritiske na politično elito. To vlogo zavzema poleg konvencionalne tudi nekonvencionalna politična participacija. Osrednji poudarek bo namenjen protestni participaciji, ki se najpogosteje opredeljuje kot ena izmed kompleksnejših oblik kolektivne akcije, skozi katero državljani najvidneje izražajo svoja prepričanja, hkrati pa najbolj jasno odraža nezadovoljstvo državljanov. Osredotočili se bomo na protestno participacijo v obdobju ekonomske krize, ki je leta 2008 zajela države Evropske unije. V okviru empirične analize se tako osredotočamo na dejavnike, ki so v zastavljenem obdobju privedli do izbruha protestne participacije, pri čemer nas zanimajo predvsem različne kombinacije vzročnih poti, ki jih ti dejavniki tvorijo. Ključno raziskovalno vprašanje se nanaša na možne kombinacije pogojev, ki v obdobju ekonomske krize rezultirajo v prisotnosti ali odsotnosti protestov v državah EU. Te kombinacije tvorijo naslednji dejavniki: materialna deprivacija, brezposelnost, razvitost civilne družbe in razvitost demokracije. Empirična analiza temelji na kvalitativni primerjalni analizi (QCA) oziroma bolj specifično na crisp-set QCA. Slednjo se uporablja za obdelavo kompleksnejših binarnih podatkov, pri čemer je cilj poenostavitev teh podatkovnih struktur v preprost in logičen zapis. S pomočjo izbrane metode analize smo prišli do ugotovitve, da do zastavljenega izida ne vodi le en sam pogoj ali ena sama kombinacija pogojev, temveč nastane več raznolikih vzročnih poti, ki lahko rezultirajo tako v odsotnosti kot v prisotnosti izida (protestnih akcij). ; Political participation is crucial for the functioning and development of the concept of democracy, as it represents a communication tool through which citizens can exert pressure on the political elite. Besides the conventional form, unconventional political participation has this role, too. The main focus will be on protest participation, which is most often identified as one of the more complex forms of collective action, through which citizens most visibly express their beliefs ; at the same time it reflects dissatisfaction of citizens most transparently. The highlight will therefore be on protest participation in the period of economic crisis affecting the countries of the European Union since 2008. In the context of the empirical analysis we focus on factors that led to an outbreak of protest participation within the set period. We are particularly interested in the various combinations of causal paths formed by these factors. The key research question therefore refers to the possible combinations of conditions, resulting in the presence or in the absence of protests in EU countries in times of economic crisis. These combinations are formed by the following factors: material deprivation, unemployment, development of civil society and development of democracy. Empirical analysis is based on qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) or more specifically on the crisp-set QCA. The latter is used to process more complex binary data, the aim being to simplify these data structures into a simple and logical notation. By using the selected method of analysis, we came to the conclusion that not only one condition or a single combination of conditions leads to the set outcome. Rather there emerges a variety of causal paths, which can result in both the absence and in the presence of the outcome (protest actions).

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.

V obsežni raziskavi smo identificirali ključne sektorje gospodarstev držav EU. Sektorske multiplikatorje smo lahko izračunali za 16 držav članic EU(Avstrijo, Belgijo, Češko, Nemčijo, Dansko, Finsko, Francijo, Veliko Britanijo, Grčijo, Irsko, Italijo, Litvo, Nizozemsko, Poljsko, Portugalsko in Slovenijo). Medtem ko ni bilo možno izračunati sektorskih multiplikatorjev za 12 držav članic EU(Bolgarijo, Ciper, Estonijo, Hrvaško, Latvijo, Luksemburg, Madžarsko, Malto, Romunijo, Slovaško, Španijo in Švedsko), ker matrike niso imele definiranega inverza. V analizi smo ugotovili, da so najbolj odporni na krizo sektorji, ki so v daljšem obdobju v opazovanem gospodarstvu imeli največji vpliv na povezanost za nazaj in povezanost za naprej. V obdobju od leta 2001 do 2011 smo analizirali ključne sektorje v opazovanih 16 državah članicah EU. Ugotavljali smo podobnosti in razlike v spreminjanju medsektorskih povezav in s tem strukture gospodarstva v državah članicah Evropske unije. Identificirali smo tiste sektorje, ki so najbolj pripomogli , da so opazovane države članice Evropske unije čim prej okrevale po gospodarski in finančni krizi. ; In a large study, we identified key sectors of the economies of the EU. Sectoral multipliers, we can calculate the 16 EU Member States (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Germany, Denmark, Finland, France, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Slovenia). While it was not possible to calculate the sectoral multipliers for the 12 EU Member States (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Croatia, Latvia, Luxembourg, Hungary, Malta, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Sweden), whereas the matrix did not have defined inverses. In the analysis, we found that the most resistant to the crisis sectors over a long period of observation economy had the greatest impact on the integration of back and forward integration. In the period from 2001 to 2011 were analyzed for key sectors in the observed 16 EU Member States. We seek to determine similarities and differences in changing cross-cutting links and the structure of the economy in the Member States of the European Union. We have identified those sectors that have most contributed to the observed Member States of the European Union as soon as possible to recover from the economic and financial crisis.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

Magistrska naloga se ukvarja z vprašanjem dejanskega in ne zgolj deklarativnega strateškega partnerstva med Evropsko unijo in Rusko federacijo. Dobri odnosi so namreč ključnega pomena v luči pogajanj o novem sporazumu. Ruska federacija je ena izmed najpomembnejših gospodarskih partnerk Evropske unije. Ta povezanost ju sili, da skušata kljub ne vedno enakim in včasih celo nasprotujočim si pogledom globalne in regionalne izzive reševati z medsebojnim sodelovanjem. Magistrska naloga podrobno predstavi odnose med Evropsko unijo in Rusijo ter analizira dejavnike, ki prispevajo tako k pozitivnemu razvoju odnosov kot k naraščanju napetosti. Na podlagi analize magistrsko delo zaključi z ugotovitvijo, da se soodvisnosti med partnerkama ni mogoče izogniti in da je napočil čas, da konfliktne predpostavke izkoristita kot možnosti za poglobljeno sodelovanje in vzpostavitev stabilnih politik za reševanje skupnih izzivov. ; The thesis discusses the question of actual and of not just declarative strategic partnership between the European Union and Russian Federation. Good relations are namely key in the light of negotiations on the new agreement. Russian Federation is one of the most important economic partners of the European Union. Despite not always equal and sometimes even divergent positions this relation forces them to solve global and regional challenges with cooperation. The relationship between the European Union and the Russian Federation is presented in great detail. Individual factors, which contribute to a positive development of relations on the one side and to the increase of tensions on the other, are also analyzed. On the basis of the analysis the thesis concludes that interdependence is inevitable and therefore the time has come to turn conflicting suppositions into possibilities of profound cooperation and establishment of stable politics to cope with common challenges.

Evropska unija se je na pragu leta 2011 začela srečevati s prvimi begunci, ki so pribežali z bojnih območjih Sirije in drugih držav Bližnjega vzhoda ter islamskih držav Severne Afrike in skušali ujeti svojo svobodo, osebno varnost in prihodnost prav v državah članicah Evropske unije. Politična kriza in vojna na Bližnjem vzhodu nista pojenjali, še več, vsak dan je na tisoče ljudi po sredozemskih in balkanski poti skušalo prebežati v Evropo. Evropska unija je leta 2015 z vrhuncem migracijskih tokov v Evropo doživljala najhujšo begunsko krizo po drugi svetovni vojni. Znašla se je pred hudim migracijskim vprašanjem, na katerega pa je sama našla odgovor v pomoči in sodelovanju Turčije – države, ki je pred 69 leti zaprosila za članstvo v Evropski uniji, vendar do danes še ni postala njena polnopravna članica. Turčija danes gosti največji delež sirskih beguncev na svetu – 3,6 milijona. Z Evropsko unijo sta po mnogih letih njunega intenzivnega političnega delovanja in diplomacije odprli novo poglavje sodelovanja, lahko bi ga poimenovala kar migracijsko sodelovanje, skovali sta skupno migracijsko politiko, le ta pa je bila ovekovečena 18. marca 2016 s podpisom izjave EU-Turčija, katere namen je bil ustaviti tok nedovoljenih migracij preko balkanske poti iz Turčije v Evropsko unijo in ga nadomestiti z organiziranimi, varnimi in zakonitimi potmi v Evropo. Seveda ni ostalo zgolj in samo pri turški uslugi Evropski uniji, le-ta je bila za to pripravljena dobro plačati, skupno je Turčiji namenila tri milijarde evrov in ji obljubila še druge ugodnosti, med drugim vizumsko liberalizacijo. V Evropski uniji se danes nahaja več kot 1,8 milijona beguncev. Mnoge Evropejce skrbi za osebno varnost, Evropsko unijo pa za nacionalno in mednarodno, med najbolj rizične varnostne implikacije, ki so jih s seboj prinesli begunci, se najpogosteje uvrščata terorizem in organiziran kriminal - tihotapljenje migrantov. ; At the beginning of 2011, the European Union faced the first refugees fleeing from the war-torn areas of Syria, other Middle East countries and Islamic countries of North Africa, trying to secure their freedom, personal safety and future in the member states of the European Union. The political crisis and war in the Middle East did not subside, on the contrary, every day thousands of people took the Mediterranean and Balkan routes to reach Europe. In 2015, when migration flows into Europe peaked, the European Union experienced the worst refugee crisis after the Second World War. The EU had to face a grave migration issue and eventually settled it with the help and in cooperation with Turkey – country that 69 years ago applied for the membership in the European Union but has not become its full member to this day. Turkey today hosts the largest share of Syrian refugees in the world – 3,6 million, and after many years of intensive political activity and diplomacy, it started a new chapter of cooperation with the European Union, we could call it migration cooperation. Together, they forged a common migration policy by signing the EU-Turkey Statement on 18th March 2016. Its aim was to put a halt to the irregular migration flows on the Balkan route from Turkey to the European Union and to replace it with organised, safe and legal ways to enter Europe. Of course, Turkey was not merely doing a favour to the European Union and the EU was ready to pay well in exchange, sending 3 billion euros to Turkey and promising other benefits, including visa liberalisation. Today, there are more than 1,8 million refugees in the European Union. Many Europeans worry about their personal safety and the European Union is concerned about the national and international security. As the riskiest security implications brought by refugees are most often mentioned terrorism and organised crime – smuggling of migrants.

Magistrska diplomska naloga nosi naslov Odločanje Sodišča Evropske unije o pristojnosti. V nalogi sem sprva opisala temeljna načela, ki so vodilo delovanja Sodišča Evropske unije, ter se seznanila z njihovo uporabo in razlago v praksi. Ugotovila sem, da med pravnim redom Evropske unije in pravnimi redi držav članic velja načelo nadrejenosti ter da je pravni red Evropske unije superioren. Sledilo je raziskovanje, kako Sodišče Evropske unije odloča o pristojnosti, pri čemer sem spoznala, da ima Sodišče Evropske unije zelo pomembno vlogo, ko odloča o razmejitvi pristojnosti med državo članico ter Evropsko unijo. S sodno prakso namreč riše mejo med avtonomnostjo države članice ter posegi v njeno avtonomnost s strani Evropske unije. Nato sem opisala in spoznavala kakšne so njegove pristojnosti ter kakšni so postopki, ki jih Sodišče Evropske unije uporablja pri svojem odločanju. Ugotovila sem, da je temeljna naloga Sodišča Evropske unije skrbeti za enotno razlago in uporabo prava Evropske unije. Ugotovila sem, da Sodišče Evropske unije skozi sodno prakso čedalje bolj širi svoje pristojnosti in krepi svojo vlogo v razmerju do držav članic, čeprav v praksi vse države članice temu niso prav naklonjene. Na koncu naloge sem opisala in pojasnila, kako so se pristojnosti Sodišča Evropske unije okrepile po sprejemu Lizbonske pogodbe, ter poskušala poiskati razlike ter podobnosti med sistemom delitve oblasti v Evropski uniji ter sistemom delitve oblasti v zvezni državi, predvsem s strani odločanja Sodišča Evropske unije ter njegovih pristojnosti. ; In this assignment, I first described the fundamental principles that constitute the functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and took note of their application and interpretation into practice. I have discovered that the principle of superiority is applied between the legal order of Member States and the rule of European Union in which the legal order of the European Union is superior. This was followed by a study of how the European Court of Justice decides on jurisdiction, and I realized that the Court of Justice of the European Union plays a very important role in deciding on the delimitation of competences between a Member State and the European Union. Through its case-law the Court of Justice of the European Union draws the boundary between the autonomy of a Member State and interference with Member States' autonomy by the European Union. I then described and learned about what its competences are and what are the procedures used by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its decision-making. I have found out that the fundamental task of the Court of Justice of the European Union is to ensure uniform interpretation and application of European Union law. I have found that the Court of Justice of the European Union increasingly expands its jurisdiction through jurisprudence and strengthens its role vis-à ; -vis Member States, although in practice all Member States do not favor this right. At the end of the thesis, I described and explained how the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union was strengthened after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, and sought to find differences and similarities between the system of division of power in the European Union and the system of division of power in the federal state, notably through the decision-making of the Court and its powers.

Magistrsko delo obravnava temo mobinga na delovnem mestu. Mobing je eden od najresnejših in najhujših oblik nasilja na delovnem mestu. Prisoten je praktično v vseh organizacijah po svetu. Predmet obravnave in cilj naloge je izdelava primerjave mobinga na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji z drugimi članicami Evropske unije. Natančneje smo raziskali in opredelili pojem mobinga, pojavne oblike in razvojne faze mobinga ter vrste mobinga in opisali najpogostejše žrtve ter storilce mobinga. Opredelili smo tudi posledice mobinga za posameznika, sodelavce, organizacijo in družbo ter predstavili načine in ukrepe za preprečevanje le-tega. Preverili in analizirali smo tudi že obstoječe domače in tuje raziskave na temo mobing na delovnem mestu. V Sloveniji ni bilo opravljene večje raziskave na to temo, razen nekaj manjših. V okviru Evropske fundacije Eurofound pa je izvedenih več raziskav, v katere so zajete vse države članice Evropske unije. Za nas so v magistrskem delu raziskave EWCS (Evropske raziskave o delovnih razmerah) ključnega pomena. Dobljeni rezultati nam prikazujejo, da je v Sloveniji mobinga veliko več kot na splošno v Evropski uniji. Najpogostejše žrtve mobinga so mlajše ženske, v Sloveniji celo v večji meri, kot je povprečje Evropske unije. Največ nasilja pa se izvaja na srednji organizacijski ravni. Rezultati tudi kažejo, da je mobing prisoten prav v vseh državah Evropske unije, kar opozarja na resnost tega problema. ; This master's thesis deals with the mobbing at the workplace. Mobbing is one of the most serious and a worst-case of violence at the workplace. It is presented in almost all of the organizations around the world. The subject under discussion and the aim of this assessment is to make a comparison about the mobbing at the workplace in Slovenia with the other members of the European Union. We have defined in details a definition of mobbing, its reflection and the development phases of mobbing and all types of mobbing. We have also described the most frequent victims and persons who have committed mobbing. We have also determined some of the consequences of mobbing for individuals, colleagues, organization and the society. We have presented the methods and actions for prevention of the mobbing. We have checked and analyzed existing home and foreign researches about mobbing at the workplace. There hasn't been made any bigger research about the mobbing in Slovenia, just some smaller ones. In the context of European foundation (Eurofund) there have been conducted several researches, containing all of the members of the European Union. In this master's thesis are the researches of the EWCS (European Working Conditions Surveys) of key importance. The obtained results indicate that mobbing in Slovenia is in general more presented than in the European Union. The most common victims are women ; this is also above the European average. There is the most violence at the medium organizational level. The results also show that mobbing is presented in all of the members of the European Union, which shows the seriousness of the problem.

Magistrska naloga preučuje dejavnike, ki so povzročili evropsko migracijsko krizo v obdobju 2015/2016 in njihov vpliv na politično dogajanje v Evropski uniji. Čeprav se je Zahodna Evropa srečevala s problematiko migracij že v preteklosti, Evropska unija ni imela izdelane in sprejete ustrezne skupne migracijske politike. Migracije so postale pomembno politično vprašanje in glavna tema volilnih kampanj. Namen naloge je predstaviti vpliv problematike migracij na odločanje volivcev. Slednji je bil dosežen z analizo volitev nekaterih držav članic ter volitev v Evropski parlament v obdobju od leta 2015 do leta 2019. Ta je pokazala vzpon desnih populističnih in nacionalističnih strank, ki so podporo volivcev pridobivale predvsem s protimigrantsko retoriko. Glede na njihov vzpon se je pojavilo vprašanje, ali bi lahko porast moči teh strank vplival na način izvajanja skupne migracijske politike in na politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na podlagi raziskovanja lahko ugotovimo, da migracije bistveno prispevajo k gospodarskemu in družbenemu razvoju posamezne države ter s tem posledično predstavljajo eno osrednjih predvolilnih tem. Rezultati volitev so sicer potrdili porast podpore tovrstnim strankam, vendar ne v tej meri, da bi v Evropskem parlamentu dobile moč oblikovati politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na kompleksnost migracij vplivajo različni dejavniki, predstavljeni v magistrski nalogi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju povezave problema migracij z dogajanjem v evropskem političnem prostoru. Ugotovili smo, da migracije predstavljajo pomembno politično vprašanje, saj so odprle ne samo politični, ampak tudi varnostni in ideološki diskurz združene Evrope, kar predstavlja nove izzive za oblikovanje nadaljnje skupne politike Evropske unije in zagotavljanje njene politične stabilnosti. ; This master thesis examines the factors that caused the European migration crisis in the period 2015-2016 and their impact on the political situation in the European Union. Even though Western Europe had encountered the problem of migration already in the past, the European Union did not develop and adopt a proper common migration policy. The issue of migration became an important political question and a central theme of election campaigns. The purpose of the thesis is to present the impact of the migration issue on voters' decision-making by analysing the national elections in some EU member states and the elections to the European Parliament during the 2015-2019 period. The analysis showed the rise of right-wing populist and nationalist parties that gained the support of the voters mainly by promoting their anti-immigration positions. That trend raised concerns on whether the growth in the power of those political parties could affect the implementation of the common migration policy and the European Union's political future. According to the data gathered, migration profoundly contributes to a country's economic and social development and is therefore among the main pre-election topics. Even though the election results confirmed that right-wing populist and nationalist parties were gaining increasing support, they were still not strong enough to gain power in the European Parliament and consequently change the political future of the European Union. There are different factors that affect the complexity of migration. These factors are presented in the master thesis and help understand the connection between migration issues and the European political situation. It was found that migration is one of the major political issues that has opened not only a political, but also an ideological and security discourse in the European context, which presents new challenges in further developing a common EU policy and ensuring its political stability.

Meje med državami članicami Evropske unije na nek način obstajajo le še na papirju – prebivalci Evropske unije lahko delamo v drugih državah članicah, podjetja pa na primer lahko poslujejo v drugih državah članicah pod istimi pogoji kot poslujejo domača podjetja. Notranji trg Evropske unije tako ponuja številne priložnosti podjetjem, ki želijo razširiti svoje poslovanje izven meja svoje države ter s tem izboljšati svoj položaj na zelo konkurenčnem trgu. Priložnosti, ki jih prinaša notranji trg Evropske unije, pa spremljajo izzivi in ovire, za katere je potrebno znanje in viri, tako finančni kot človeški, da se premostijo. Zaradi omejenosti sredstev so mala in srednje velika podjetja bolj izpostavljena izzivom ter se težje spopadajo z ovirami kot pa velika podjetja. Dejstvo, da so skoraj vsa podjetja v Evropski uniji mala in srednje velika podjetja, nalaga ustvarjalcem poslovnega in zakonodajnega okolja veliko odgovornost – malim in srednje velikim podjetjem, še posebej pa mikropodjetjem, je potrebno zagotoviti trg, na katerem lahko enakovredno nastopajo skupaj z velikimi podjetji. Znaten delež malih in srednje velikih podjetij v Evropski uniji je mnenja, da je prav zakonodaja tista, ki predstavlja najvišjo oviro pri njihovem poslovanju. Za zagotovitev skladnosti z evropsko oziroma nacionalno zakonodajo morajo nameniti velik delež svojih virov, kar nedvomno vpliva na njihovo poslovanje in konkurenčnost. Zavedajoč se izjemnega pomena malih in srednje velikih podjetij za evropsko gospodarstvo, Evropska komisija s svojimi predlogi, akti, ukrepi ter programi zmanjšuje administrativna bremena ter na ta način poskuša zagotoviti enakovredne konkurenčne pogoje za vsa podjetja, ne glede na njihovo velikost. Na vseh korakih cikla specifičnega akta/politike se posebno pozornost namenja malim in srednje velikim podjetjem, še posebej pa mikropodjetjem, ter administrativnim bremenom. Tako se že pri prvotnem načrtovanju pobude, ko Evropska komisija objavi t.i. časovnico, naredi preliminarna ocena potencialnih vplivov pobude na mala in srednje velika podjetja. Preden pa Evropska komisija dejansko predlaga nov predlog, se naprej skozi javno posvetovanje posvetuje z relevantnimi deležniki in oceni možne posledice predloga - to naredi s tako imenovano oceno učinka, ki je obvezna za najpomembnejše pobude in pobude z daljnosežnimi posledicami. Sama ocena učinka je del »MSP testa«, v okviru katerega se, med drugim, naredi natančna analiza učinkov predlagane pobude na mala in srednje velika podjetja. V oceni učinka je posebno poglavje namenjeno tudi analizi administrativnih bremen oziroma administrativnih stroškov, ki bi nastali s sprejetjem pobude, ki se ocenjuje. Rezultati te analize in »MSP testa« omogočajo podlago za odločitev, ali bodo mala in srednje velika podjetja morala upoštevati vse obveznosti, ki izhajajo iz pobude, ali bodo morebiti iz določenih obveznosti izključena oziroma bo za njih veljal blažji režim. Med samim izvajanjem posamezne pobude oziroma po koncu njenega izvajanja Evropska komisija z vrednotenjem redno ocenjuje uspešnost, učinkovitost, ustreznost in dodano vrednost ukrepov Evropske unije. V okviru Programa ustreznosti in uspešnosti predpisov – REFIT, ki je bil uveden z namenom narediti zakonodajo Evropske unije kakovostnejšo in lažjo, se izvajajo korektivni ukrepi obstoječe zakonodaje, vrednotenja in preverjanja ustreznosti, ter razveljavitve obstoječe zakonodaje, ki ne služi svojemu namenu. Ne glede na vse napore in ukrepe Evropske komisije za zmanjšanje administrativnih bremen še vedno obstajajo zakonodajni akti, ki so za mala in srednje velika podjetja, še posebej pa za mikropodjetja, zelo obremenjujoči. Leta 2012 so mala in srednje velika podjetja v javnem posvetovanju identificirala deset zakonodajnih aktov Evropske unije, ki so za njih najbolj obremenjujoči - Evropska komisija je v zvezi z identificiranimi akti, kjer je to možno, že ukrepala. ; In a way, borders between the Member States of the European Union remain to exist only on paper – for example, citizens of the European Union can work in other Member States, while enterprises can do business in other Member States under the same conditions as domestic enterprises. The internal market of the European Union offers numerous opportunities to enterprises which want to expand their business outside their country's borders and thereby improve its position on the very competitive market. Opportunities that internal market of the European Union brings are accompanied by challenges and barriers for which know-how as well as financial and human resources are needed to overcome them. Due to lack of resources, small and medium-sized enterprises are more exposed to challenges and face more difficulties with overcoming barriers, in comparison with large enterprises. The fact that almost all enterprises in the European Union are small and medium-sized enterprises imposes a great responsibility on creators of the business and regulatory environment – a market on which small and medium-sized enterprises, and especially micro-enterprises, will be able to equally compete with large enterprises must be ensured. A significant share of small and medium-sized enterprises in the European Union shares the opinion that legislation represents the highest barrier to conduct business. They have to allocate a great share of their resources in order to ensure compliance with European and/or national legislation, which undoubtedly impacts their operations and competitiveness. Being aware of the immense significance of small and medium-sized enterprises for the European economy, the European Commission is reducing administrative burden with its proposals, acts and programmes. In this way, the European Commission is trying to ensure a level playing field for all enterprises, regardless of their size. On all steps of a cycle of a specific act/policy, special attention is paid to small and medium sized enterprises, especially to micro-enterprises, and administrative burden. It starts with the planning of the initiative, when the European Commission publishes a roadmap, in which a preliminary assessment of initiative's potential impacts on small and medium-sized enterprises is done. Furthermore, before the European Commission actually proposes a new proposal, it first evaluates its possible consequences with a so-called impact assessment, which is obligatory for the most important initiatives and for initiatives with far-reaching consequences. The impact assessment is also a part of a "SME test", in the context of which a detailed analysis of initiative's impacts on small and medium-sized enterprises is conducted. Moreover, a specific chapter is dedicated to the analysis of administrative burden and administrative costs, which would be incurred with the adoption of the respective initiative. Results of the analysis and of the SME test represent a basis for a decision whether small and medium-sized enterprises will be included in all obligations, deriving from the initiative, or whether they will be excluded from certain obligations or will they be a subject to a milder regime. During the implementation of a specific initiative or at the end of its implementation, the European Commission regularly assesses the effectiveness, efficiency, relevance and added value of the European Union's measures. In the context of the Regulatory Fitness and Performance programme – REFIT, which was introduced with the intention of making the legislation of the European Union lighter and of greater quality, corrective measures of existing legislation, evaluations and fitness checks, as well as repeals of existing legislation which is not fit for its purpose, are carried out. Despite the efforts and measures of the European Commission to reduce administrative burden, legislative acts, which are very burdensome for small and medium-sized enterprises, still exist.

Magistrsko delo je osredotočeno na področje zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, ki zraven trajnosti in konkurenčnosti predstavlja enega izmed treh ključnih ciljev evropske energetske politike. Natančneje opredeljuje gospodarski pomen in cilje zanesljive oskrbe, tveganja, povezana z zanesljivo oskrbo, kakor tudi Akcijski načrt EU za varnost preskrbe in solidarnost pri preskrbi z energijo. Zanesljivost oskrbe je eden izmed ključnih ciljev energetske politike Evropske unije (v nadaljevanju EU), zato je posebna pozornost namenjena tudi evropski energetski politiki, njenemu nastanku, ciljem in potencialnim ukrepom kakor tudi trenutnemu stanju in izzivom energetike v EU. Slednja se danes namreč sooča z vrsto izzivov, med katerimi največji izziv predstavlja visoka uvozna odvisnost, zato je bistveno, da EU ukrepa zdaj in s skupnimi močmi, da bi si zagotovila konkurenčno, trajnostno in predvsem zanesljivo oskrbo z energijo. V ta namen si pospešeno prizadeva oblikovati skupno energetsko politiko. Ker je tudi Slovenija članica EU, magistrsko delo podrobneje predstavlja tudi izhodišča in cilje energetske politike Slovenije, zanesljivost oskrbe v Sloveniji ter njene cilje in pomen. Praktični del magistrskega dela analizira energetsko uvozno odvisnost EU in Slovenije ter vlogo obnovljivih virov energije (v nadaljevanju OVE) pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe. S pomočjo statistične primerjave, obogatene s tabelaričnimi in grafičnimi prikazi, so predstavljeni proizvodnja, viri in poraba energije v EU in v Sloveniji, kar je osnova za nadaljnjo analizo, tj. analizo uvozne odvisnosti kot glavnega pokazatelja zanesljivosti oskrbe. Predstavljena je vloga OVE pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, hkrati pa so analizirani dejavniki, ki povzročajo razlike med državami članicami EU glede izkoriščanja OVE. Posebna pozornost je namenjena tudi napovedim za prihodnost na ravni EU kot tudi v Sloveniji. Na ravni EU sta podrobneje analizirana dva scenarija, ki analizirata evropske energetske trende do leta 2030, t. i. referenčni scenarij in scenarij Baseline 2009. Za napovedovanje energetske prihodnosti Slovenije pa so natančneje predstavljene in analizirane dolgoročne energetske bilance do leta 2030, izdelane za več scenarijev. Poseben poudarek je na projekcijah kazalnikov za spremljanje zanesljivosti oskrbe v Sloveniji. Za boljše razumevanje sta na začetku magistrskega dela predstavljena nastanek in razvoj EU ter v okviru tega Slovenija kot članica EU. ; Master's thesis is focused on the area of security of energy supply, which is next to sustainability and competitiveness one of the key objectives of the European energy policy. It specifies the economic importance of the objectives of security of supply, and the risks associated with the supply, as well as the EU Energy Security and Solidarity Action Plan. As already stated, the security of supply is one of the key objectives of EU energy policy, therefore, special attention is also given to the creation of the European energy policy, its objectives and potential actions, as well as the current situation and challenges of the energy sector in the EU. Today the EU is facing with number of challenges, among which the biggest challenge is the high import dependency, so it is essential for Europe to take action now and work together to ensure a competitive, sustainable and above all, reliable energy supply. To this end, the EU accelerated its efforts to develop a common energy policy. Because Slovenia is also a member of the EU, master's thesis also presents origins and objectives of the Slovenian energy policy, security of supply in Slovenia and its objectives and importance. In its practical part master's thesis focuses on the analysis of the energy import dependence of the EU and the Republic of Slovenia and the role of renewable energy sources (RES) to ensure security of supply. With the help of statistical comparisons, enriched with tabular and graphic representations are presented production and consumption of energy in the EU and Slovenia, which is the basis for further analysis, i.e. analysis of import dependence, as the main indicator of security of supply. It is also presented the role of RES in providing security of energy supply, and analyzed the factors that cause differences between the EU Member States on the exploitation of RES. Special attention is also given to the predictions for the future, both at EU level as well as in Slovenia. At EU level two scenarios to analyse the Europe's energy trends by 2030 are presented, the so-called reference scenario and baseline 2009 scenario. To predict the energy future of Slovenia long-term energy balances by 2030, designed for more scenarios, are presented and analyzed. Special emphasis is placed on the projected indicators for monitoring the security of supply in Slovenia. For a better understanding of master's thesis is at the beginning also presented the formation and development of the EU as well as Slovenia, as an EU member.

The economic recession has exerted an important influence on the livesof the population in the European Union. Since 2008, when initial indications of the recession appeared,unemployment and poverty have increased in most member states of the European Union. Many European and national strategic documents were exposed; one of the key non-economic factors in easing out of a recession is investment in the development of knowledge. Political opinion regarding the important role of knowledge in solving problems of the economic recession raises the question of actual change in this area. In this paper, an understanding of the role of adult education in economic development (as oulined in the European strategic documents) is demonstrated, and in opposition to the same, an analysis of participation (and obstacles) in adult education at the beginning of the economic recession is pursued. ; Gospodarska recesija je pomembno zaznamovala življenje prebivalcev Evropske unije. Od leta 2008, ko se pojavijo prvi znaki recesije, sta se povečali brezposlenost in revščina v večini članic Evropske unije. Številni evropski in nacionalni strateški dokumenti so kot enega ključnih neekonomskih instrumentov izhoda iz recesije omenjali vlaganje v izobraževanje. Prepričanje politikov o pomembni vlogi izobraževanja pri reševanju gospodarske recesije pa odpira vprašanje o dejanskih spremembah na tem področju. V prispevku je na eni strani prikazano razumevanje vloge izobraževanja odraslih pri gospodarskem razvoju v evropskih strateških dokumentih in na drugi strani vključenost odraslih v izobraževanje in ovire pri tem ob začetku gospodarske recesije.

Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.

Uvod: Demografsko staranje predstavlja v zadnjem času velik izziv, s katerim se sooča večina evropskih držav, tudi Slovenija. Ob daljšanju življenjske dobe se mnogi starejši soočajo z eno ali več kroničnimi boleznimi, odvisnostjo od drugih, oslabljenostjo in krhkostjo. A stanje krhkosti ni nepovratna posledica staranja ; izziv, s katerim se soočamo ob podaljševanju življenjske dobe je doseganje čvrste, nekrhke, zdrave in samostojne starosti. Namen: Namen dela je proučiti razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti pri starejših odraslih (starih 65 let in več) v Sloveniji in ovrednotiti razlike v primerjavi z Evropo. Metode: Izvedli smo retrospektivno raziskavo razširjenosti in pojavnosti sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi na podlagi podatkov iz raziskave o zdravju, procesu staranja in upokojevanju v Evropi - SHARE. Uporabili smo podatke za leto 2011 (val 4), 2013 (val 5) in 2015 (val 6), pri čemer smo krhkost ovrednotili na podlagi validirane metode SHARE fenotip krhkosti. Analizirali smo razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi, ter izvedli primerjavo razširjenosti med Slovenijo in Evropo, in sicer po spolu, starostnih skupinah, izobrazbi, samooceni zdravja, polifarmakoterapiji, geografskih regijah (v Sloveniji) in državah (v Evropi). Rezultati: Razširjenost sindroma krhkosti med starejšimi odraslimi v letu 2015 je bila v Sloveniji 14,2% (95% CI: 12,7-15,6%), v Evropi pa 15,4% ; 95% CI: 14,8-15,9%). Razširjenost predkrhkosti v Sloveniji je bila 41,8% (v Evropi: 44,4%). Med leti 2011 (18,1%), 2013 (17,0%) in 2015 (14,2%) je razširjenost krhkosti v Sloveniji padala. Štiriletna pojavnost (2011-2015) sindroma krhkosti je bila v Sloveniji 4,4 % (95% CI: 2,1-6,7%), v Evropi 5,4 % (95% CI: 4,9-5,9%). Večja razširjenost in pojavnosti krhkosti je pri ženskah, narašča s starostjo, večja je pri nižje izobraženih ljudeh ter osebah s polifarmakoterapijo. Več kot 45% krhkih posameznikov v Sloveniji in Evropi svoje zdravje ocenjuje kot slabo. Najmanjša razširjenost krhkosti je na gorenjskem (8,5%), največja v pomurski regiji (22,2%), v Evropi pa v splošnem narašča od severne proti južni Evropi. Statistično značilen vpliv na krhkost ima spol (v Evropi), starost, izobrazba (v Evropi), samoocena zdravja, polifarmakoterapija ter tudi nekatere regije v severovzhodni Sloveniji in države v Evropi. Zaključki: V prihodnosti bi bilo smiselno poenotiti metodologijo določanja krhkosti ter poenotiti definicijo pojavnosti krhkosti in predkrhkosti, da bi bili rezultati raziskav v različnih državah lažje primerljivi. ; Introduction: Demographic ageing affects most of the European countries, including Slovenia. Increased life expectancy is associated with higher prevalence of chronic diseases, disability, weakness and frailty. Nevertheless, frailty is not an irreversible one-way process. Current challenge for modern healthcare systems is providing non-frail, healthy and independent aging. Aim: The aim of this master's thesis is to evaluate prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in older adults (⡥ 65 years) in Slovenia and examine differences compared to other European countries. Methods: Retrospective study of prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in Slovenia and Europe was conducted, using the data from Survey of Health, Ageing & Retirement in Europe (SHARE). We used data collected in 2011 (wave 4), 2013 (wave 5) and 2015 (wave 6). Frailty was defined according to validated SHARE Frailty Phenotype method. Prevalence and incidence of frailty in Slovenia and Europe was analyzed, including comparison between Slovenia and Europe, using variables: sex, age categories, education, self-rated health, polypharmacy, statistical regions (Slovenia) and countries (Europe). Results: The overall prevalence of frailty in Slovenia (2015) was 14.2% (95% CI: 12.7-15.6 %), in Europe 15.4% (95% CI: 14.8-15.9%). Prevalence of pre-frailty was 41.8% (Europe: 44.4%). Prevalence in Slovenia was decreasing throughout years: 2011 (18.1%), 2013 (17.0%) and 2015 (14.2%). Four-year incidence of frailty syndrome (2011-2015) was 4.4% (95% CI: 2.1-6.7%) in Slovenia and 5.4% (95% CI: 4.9-5.9%) in Europe. Frailty prevalence and incidence increased with age, and were more frequent among women and participants with lower education and older adults with polypharmacy. More than 45% of older adults in Slovenia and Europe self-assessed their health as bad. Frailty prevalence varies across statistical regions in Slovenia. The proportion of frailty or prefrailty was in general higher in southern than in northern Europe. The variables that are significantly related to prevalence of frailty are gender (female, Europe), age, education (Europe), self-rated health, polypharmacy, some statistical regions in Slovenia and countries in Europe. Conclusions: Unified methodology for evaluating frailty is necessary for easier comparison of results between countries. Moreover, a harmonized definition of measuring frailty incidence may be useful.