The cross-national analysis of policies and services offers an innovative point of view to evaluate the role of the state, social movements, and supra-national bodies in fighting violence against women (VAW). By locating the starting point in time and grouping countries in temporal clusters, the article identifies the key actors of VAW policy-making in Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and the UK. After discussing features of single countries, the article identifies common trends in VAW policies. In conclusion, the article raises more ambitious comparative questions: By looking at history, can we detect VAW 'policy regimes'? Are there patently exceptional cases? And what is the actual role of the state in fighting VAW? The article argues that the state is a powerful instrument, on condition that it acts under pressure from or in combination with both independent social movements and supra-national bodies.
The study aimed to describe worldwide levels and trends of tobacco control policy by comparing low and middle income countries with other income categories from 2007 to 2014 and to analyze the corresponding relation to recent changes in smoking prevalence. Policy measure data representing years 2007 to 2014 were collected from all available World Health Organization (WHO) reports on the global tobacco epidemic. Corresponding policy percentage scores (PS) were calculated based on MPOWER measures. Age-standardized smoking prevalence data for years 2010 and 2015 were collected from the WHO Global Health Observatory Data Repository. Trends of PS were analysed with respect to WHO region and OECD country income category. Scatter plots and regression analysis were used to depict the relationship between tobacco control policy of 2010 and change in smoking prevalence between 2015 and 2010 by sex and income category. Combined PS for all countries increased significantly from 47% in 2007 to 61% by 2014 (p < 0.001). When grouped by income category and region, policies were strengthened in all categories, albeit with varying progression. By 2014, tobacco control policy legislation had reached 45% in the Least Developed Countries (LDCs), 59% in Low Middle Income Countries (LMICs), 66% in Upper Middle Income Countries (UMICs) and 70% in High Income Countries (HICs). Overall, there was a negative relationship between higher policy scores and change in smoking prevalence. Although policy strengthening had been conducted between 2007 and 2014, room for considerable global improvement remains, particularly in LDCs. View Full-Text
Examines EU policies to control flows of refugees and illegal aliens and to integrate into society legal immigrants; includes provisions of the Dublin and Schengen Conventions, Single Act, and Maastricht Treaty.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of participation and the role of civil society in the context of combating corruption in a modern state. Corruption, like a web, envelops different spheres of life and different levels of state power, and thereby makes the state weak and suspends its development. It has been established that the international community, in order to prevent corruption, adopts a number of international documents that emphasize the importance of the problem and the fact that the fight against corruption is a challenge for all states of the world. The main anti-corruption treaties include the United Nations Convention against Corruption, the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption, the European Union Convention on the fight against corruption involving EU officials or officials of EU countries, and others.The article examines the experience of CEE countries regarding anti-corruption policy and the participation of civil society in it and it was found that state support acts as one of the necessary conditions for anti-corruption reforms and adoption of relevant regulatory acts, but their implementation is impossible if the society is not ready to adopt this participation. Today we should talk about the need for the formation and dissemination of new social values: reliability, openness, transparency, active participation and responsibility, which will form an anti-corruption worldview and consciousness. To conduct an effective anti-corruption policy, the necessary steps are: the formation of society as an equal partner in the development and implementation of a national anti-corruption strategy; involving various civil society institutions in anti-corruption counteraction. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей участі і ролі громадянського суспільства в умовах протидії корупції в сучасній державі. Корупція подібна до павутини закутує різні сфери життєдіяльності і різні рівні державної влади і тим самим робить державу слабкою і тим самим призупиняє його розвиток. Встановлено, що міжнародне співтовариство з метою запобігання та попередження корупції приймає ряд міжнародних документів, в яких підкреслюється важливість проблеми і та обставина, що боротьба з корупцією є завданням для усіх держав світу. Серед основних договорів в області протидії корупції слід зазначити: Конвенція Організації Об'єднаних Націй проти корупції, Конвенція Ради Європи про кримінальну відповідальність за корупцію, Конвенція Європейського Союзу про боротьбу проти корупції посадовців Європейської спільноти і посадовців держав-членів Європейського Союзу та інші.У статті розглядається досвід країн ЦСЄ відносно антикорупційної політики та участі в ній громадянського суспільства та було встановлено, що державна підтримка виступає як одна з необхідних умов в проведенні антикорупційних реформ, прийняття відповідних нормативних актів, але їх здійснення неможливе, якщо суспільство не є готовим брати в цьому участь. Сьогодні слід говорити про необхідність формування та поширення нових громадських цінностей: надійність, відкритість, прозорість, активна участь і відповідальність, які формуватимуть антикорупційний світогляд і свідомість. Для проведення ефективної антикорупційної політики необхідними кроками виступають: становлення суспільства як рівного партнера в розробці та реалізації національної стратегії протидії корупції; залучення різних інститутів громадянського суспільства до антикорупційної протидії.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of participation and the role of civil society in the context of combating corruption in a modern state. Corruption, like a web, envelops different spheres of life and different levels of state power, and thereby makes the state weak and suspends its development. It has been established that the international community, in order to prevent corruption, adopts a number of international documents that emphasize the importance of the problem and the fact that the fight against corruption is a challenge for all states of the world. The main anti-corruption treaties include the United Nations Convention against Corruption, the Council of Europe Criminal Law Convention on Corruption, the European Union Convention on the fight against corruption involving EU officials or officials of EU countries, and others.The article examines the experience of CEE countries regarding anti-corruption policy and the participation of civil society in it and it was found that state support acts as one of the necessary conditions for anti-corruption reforms and adoption of relevant regulatory acts, but their implementation is impossible if the society is not ready to adopt this participation. Today we should talk about the need for the formation and dissemination of new social values: reliability, openness, transparency, active participation and responsibility, which will form an anti-corruption worldview and consciousness. To conduct an effective anti-corruption policy, the necessary steps are: the formation of society as an equal partner in the development and implementation of a national anti-corruption strategy; involving various civil society institutions in anti-corruption counteraction. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей участі і ролі громадянського суспільства в умовах протидії корупції в сучасній державі. Корупція подібна до павутини закутує різні сфери життєдіяльності і різні рівні державної влади і тим самим робить державу слабкою і тим самим призупиняє його розвиток. Встановлено, що міжнародне співтовариство з метою запобігання та попередження корупції приймає ряд міжнародних документів, в яких підкреслюється важливість проблеми і та обставина, що боротьба з корупцією є завданням для усіх держав світу. Серед основних договорів в області протидії корупції слід зазначити: Конвенція Організації Об'єднаних Націй проти корупції, Конвенція Ради Європи про кримінальну відповідальність за корупцію, Конвенція Європейського Союзу про боротьбу проти корупції посадовців Європейської спільноти і посадовців держав-членів Європейського Союзу та інші.У статті розглядається досвід країн ЦСЄ відносно антикорупційної політики та участі в ній громадянського суспільства та було встановлено, що державна підтримка виступає як одна з необхідних умов в проведенні антикорупційних реформ, прийняття відповідних нормативних актів, але їх здійснення неможливе, якщо суспільство не є готовим брати в цьому участь. Сьогодні слід говорити про необхідність формування та поширення нових громадських цінностей: надійність, відкритість, прозорість, активна участь і відповідальність, які формуватимуть антикорупційний світогляд і свідомість. Для проведення ефективної антикорупційної політики необхідними кроками виступають: становлення суспільства як рівного партнера в розробці та реалізації національної стратегії протидії корупції; залучення різних інститутів громадянського суспільства до антикорупційної протидії.
The article deals with the evaluation of military expenditures of European Union's four selected countries in the period of 2001-2008. Among examined countries belong the Czech Republic, Austria, Slovakia and Slovenia. The term military expenditures is used by many users, so the article defines first this term and also sources from which the authoress collected data for evaluation. The main source of statistical data about military expenditures is the Stockholm international institute, namely its research yearbooks.
In 1999, a group of member states of the European Union launched a common currency, the euro. The political weight and institutional set-up of this group have prompted fears that eurozone members might dominate non-members. This thesis studies political dynamics between members and non-members of the eurozone. Specifically, it explores to what extent eurozone membership explains negotiation performance in the Council of the European Union – the core arena for negotiations among member states. To this end, the thesis uses an original dataset of 303 negotiations conducted under the co-decision procedure between 1999 and 2016. The thesis makes a two-fold theoretical argument. First, it is argued that eurozone members have an incentive to build "minimum winning coalitions" under exclusion of non-members, as this increases their gains in Council negotiations. Secondly, this process is enabled by the institutional setup of exclusive eurozone-only bodies, most importantly the Eurogroup. On this basis, it is hypothesized that eurozone members should have a higher probability of inclusion in a winning coalition in the Council (H1), especially in the Economic and Financial Affairs (ECOFIN) Council (H2), but perhaps also in other Council configurations (H3). It is furthermore hypothesized that inclusion of eurozone members in winning coalitions increased during the euro crisis (H4). Contrary to theoretical expectations, the analysis yields four null findings. Eurozone members were not more likely to be included in winning coalitions, independently if a proposal was negotiated in the ECOFIN Council or other Council configurations, and regardless if negotiations took place during the euro crisis. The thesis provides a possible explanation for this puzzling finding. An analysis of coalition patterns reveals that eurozone members were too divided to exercise their collective influence in the Council. Rather than acting as a cohesive bloc, eurozone states were split internally along traditional cleavages structuring conflict in the Council.
Maģistra darba nosaukums ir "Latvijas nodarbinātības attīstības tendences Eiropas Savienības kontekstā". Maģistra darba pamata teksts sastāv no trijām nodaļām. Pirmajai nodaļai ir divas apakšnodaļas, bet otrajai un trešajai nodaļai trīs apakšnodaļas. Maģistra darba mērķis ir izstrādāt prognozes Latvijas darbaspēka starptautiskās migrācijas, nodarbinātības, bezdarba un iedzīvotāju kopskaita izmaiņu tendencēm. Maģistra darba pirmajā nodaļā tiek apskatīts darba tirgus ietekmējošie faktori un starptautiskās prognozēšanas metodes. Otrajā nodaļā tiek analizēta Latvijas nodarbinātības politika, Latvijas nodarbinātības attīstības tendences un Latvijas nodarbinātības problēmas. Trešajā nodaļā tiek veikti aprēķini un izstrādātas prognozes darbaspēka starptautiskās migrācijas, nodarbinātības un bezdarba jomā un izstrādāt iedzīvotāju kopskaita izmaiņu prognozes. No šī maģistra darba var secināt, ka Latvijas nodarbinātības un bezdarba rādītāji sasniegs Eiropas Savienības nospraustos mērķus. Maģistra darbs sastāv no 91 lapaspuses, 32 attēliem, 3 tabulām un 6 pielikumiem. Maģistra darba bibliogrāfiskais saraksts sastāv no 51 vienības. ; The title of the master paper is "Development trends of employment of Latvia in the context of the European Union". The master paper consists of three chapters. The first chapter has tow sub-chapters, but the second and the third chapters have three sub-chapters. The aim of the master work is to make forecasts for the trends in the Latvian labour force international migration, employment, unemployment and the total population changes. The first chapter of the master paper discusses factors influencing the labour market and international forecasting methods. In the second chapter there is analysed the Latvian employment policy, employment development trends and employment problems in Latvia. The third chapter includes calculations and forecasts for labour force international migration, employment, unemployment and worked out forecasts for the total population changes. It can be concluded from this master paper that Latvia will reach the European Union aims in employment and unemployment indicators. The master paper contains 91 pages, 32 pictures, 3 tables and 6 appendixes. The bibliographic list of the master paper contains 51 units.
Article first published online: November 28, 2019 ; The aim of this study was to explore social media, and specifically Twitter's potential to generate a European demos. Our use of data derived from social media complements the traditional use of mass media and survey data within existing studies. We selected two Twitter hashtags of European relevance, #schengen and #ttip, to test several theories on a European demos (non-demos, European democracy, or pan-European demos) and to determine which of these theories was most applicable in the case of Twitter topics of European relevance. To answer the research question, we performed sentiment analysis. Sentiment analysis performed on data gathered on social media platforms, such as Twitter, constitutes an alternative methodological approach to more formal surveys (e.g., Eurobarometer) and mass media content analysis. Three dimensions were coded: (1) sentiments toward the issue public, (2) sentiments toward the European Union (EU), and (3) the type of framing. Among all of the available algorithms for conducting sentiment analysis, integrated sentiment analysis (iSA), developed by the Blog of Voices at the University of Milan, was selected for the data analysis. This is a novel supervised algorithm that was specifically designed for analyses of social networks and the Web 2.0 sphere (Twitter, blogs, etc.), taking the abundance of noise within digital environments into consideration. An examination and discussion of the results shows that for these two hashtags, the results were more aligned with the demoicracy and "European lite identity" models than with the model of a pan-European demos.
Do the Community rules weaken or improve the position of asylum seekers? Would a future Community asylum law have to observe international norms? This book addresses these and other questions. It offers an in-depth study of the relation between European and international asylum law, a practical manual for European asylum law
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In the last few years, we observed the introduction of a political and institutional innovation in European integration. The European Council, which brings together the Heads of State and Government of the 28 Member States of the European Union, has been institutionalized under a permanent presidency. For this function, Mr. Herman Van Rompuy, former Prime Minister of Belgium, was initially elected for a period of two years and a half, a mandate that was renewed once. The current president is the former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who was re-elected for a second term from 1 June 2017 to 30 November 2019. In the initial phases of the European Council, divided between the concern of the control of a single personality and the ambition of performing European leadership, Member States decided upon a system of equal rotation. The arrangement seemed ideal. However, subsequent developments and enlargements have clearly shown its limits, ambitions which definitely called for a new and more suitable leadership. Questions regarding the European leadership and the visibility of the European Union have always been the subject of discussion. Who is leading the Union? Who is representing the Union? These were among the most debated issues. All these questions lead us to present and analyze the object of study of my thesis: Given that this function was not clearly defined by the Treaty of Lisbon, which type of leadership have Mr. Van Rompuy and Mr. Tusk ascertained inside this institution? With the arrival of Mr. Tusk at the head of the European Council is it possible to observe a development regarding the functions of this figure? To answer these questions, this thesis will be divided into three main sections. The first part is of a historical and theoretical nature and focuses on analyzing the arguments and controversies which led to the establishment of the permanent Presidency. The second section is more analytical in nature. We will first present the arguments and the controversies behind the appointment of Mr. Van Rompuy. We will then underline the institutional and relational challenges that the President had to deal with at the dawn of his first mandate. Finally, we will attempt to analyze the major events that was confronted with during his first mandate and we will also consider the kind of relationship he maintained with the European actors. The third section will contain an assessment of the presidency of Donald Tusk. We will consider the way in which Mr. Tusk tackled the major issues present on the agenda of the European Council. This will allow us to compare these two presidencies. ; Master [120] en études européennes, Université catholique de Louvain, 2017
