Suchergebnisse

The European Union's external energy policy architecture is very important for further energy security and economic development. European normative power on its neighbours represents the most efficient way of integrating neighbouring energy markets, with the EU's emerging internal market and, in perspective, through economic interdependence and complementarities, there are chances of creating an European geo-energy space. EU's tools for shaping the geo-energy space are becoming more effective in an extended European economic area that would allow it to act as the main actor in a multilateral interconnected system of energy producer and transit countries. The result of the paper is materialized in a new paradigm for EU's external energy policy, which can provide future security of supply through market institutions and an active economic diplomacy in the resource energy countries. Keywords: European geo-energy space, energy markets, regulatory framework. (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)

The COVID-19 pandemic, which began in the late 2020, demonstrated that the global community is unable to act effectively in the face of a new enemy, hence the need for a new format of interstate interaction. The present research objective was to explore the impact of the pandemic on the relations between Russia and the European Union, as well as to identify new standards of cooperation in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic. The study revealed the absence of fundamental changes that would improve the political communications between the two parties because no non-politicized dialogue was possible at that stage. The author describes the geopolitical realities that prevented Brussels from building relations with Moscow in the new paradigm. The pandemic did not level the sanctions pressure on Russia. In the context of unilateral restrictive measures against Russia and the geopolitical conjuncture of mutual deterrence, the new formats of interaction included the humanitarian cooperation with Italy and Russia's "vaccine diplomacy" in Hungary and Slovakia. However, the new types of cooperation between individual states in the context of the pandemic can restore a systemic dialogue between Russia and the European Union. Russia's contribution to the fight against COVID-19 in Europe can hardly be overestimated. ; Пандемия коронавируса, начавшаяся в конце 2020 г., продемонстрировала невозможность мирового сообщества эффективно действовать как сообща, так и в одиночку перед лицом нового врага. Появилась необходимость поиска нового формата межгосударственного взаимодействия. Цель – исследовать влияние пандемии на отношения России и ЕС, а также выявить новые стандарты сотрудничества в контексте эпидемии коронавируса. В ходе исследования выявлено отсутствие кардинальных изменений в процессе нормализации политических коммуникаций между двумя участниками, связанное с невозможностью на данном этапе вести неполитизированный диалог. Определено влияние геополитических реалий, которое не позволяет Брюсселю выстраивать отношения с ...

The disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 left 25 million Russians living outside the Russian Federation. This important new book explores their social identity, examining the mutually held perceptions, fears and resulting nationalism of both the ethnic Russians living outside the Russian Federation and the indigenous, or 'titular', populations they live amongst. Based on a unique study involving national surveys conducted in Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and Kazakhstan, the book maps the main individual, intergroup and cross-national factors that shape the fears of 'titulars' an

Despite Europe's global importance, very little published research has examined payout policy on this continent. The rather scarce research which has been conducted in this field throughout European companies cover different countries, groups of companies and timeframes, which makes it very difficult to perform comparisons and formulate proper conclusions. The aim of this work is to analyze the payout policy of European companies with comparison to companies outside the European market. Research on the literature has been performed as well as own analyses. The most important tendencies of the European companies' payout policy have been formulated. Companies in Europe have higher propensity to pay dividends than their counterparts outside Europe and increasing, yet still variable, payout values, both dividends and share repurchases. European companies transfer a substantially bigger part of their net profit to their shareholders than their counterparts from the other continents. An increment in the dividend payout ratio in Europe is clearly visible over the last couple of years. High dividend yields of European companies compensate low yields of governments and corporate bonds.

I. Der Aufbau der Europäischen Union -- A. Allgemeines -- B. Zum Stand der Europäischen Integration -- C. Die Regierungskonferenz 1996 -- II. Die Organe der EG -- A. DerRat(insb Art 145 ff EGV) -- B. Die Europäische Kommission (insb Art 155 ff EGV) -- C. Der Europäische Gerichtshof (insb Art 164 fFEGV) -- D. Das Europäische Parlament (insb Art 137 ff EGV) -- E. Weitere Organe -- III. Rechtsquellen und Rechtserzeugung in der EG -- A. Primäres Gemeinschaftsrecht -- B. Sekundäres Gemeinschaftsrecht -- C. Stufenbau des Gemeinschaftsrechts? -- D. Das Verfahren der Rechtserzeugung -- E. Durchführung von Gemeinschaftsrecht -- F. Sanktionen gegen die Verletzung von Gemeinschaftsrecht im Recht der Mitgliedstaaten -- IV. EG-Recht und nationales Recht -- A. Supranationalität -- B. Rechtsnatur der EG -- C. Vorrang des Gemeinschaftsrechts in der Judikatur des EuGH -- D. Rechtsgrundlagen der Mitgliedschaft in den einzelnen Staaten -- E. Reste staatlicher Vorbehalte gegen die These vom absoluten Vorrang -- V. Grundzüge der Rechtsangleichung -- A. Die Rechtsangleichung im EG-Rechtssystem -- B. Das Diskriminierungsverbot -- C. Angleichungsermächtigungen in der EG -- VI. Die vier Grundfreiheiten -- A. Freier Warenverkehr (Art 9 ff EGV, Art 8 ff EWRA) -- B. Freier Personenverkehr -- C. Freier Dienstleistungsverkehr (Art 59 ff EGV, Art 36 ff EWRA) -- D. Freier Kapitalverkehr (Art 73a ff EGV, Art 40 ff EWRA) -- VII. Die Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion -- A. Die Grundzüge des vereinbarten Systems -- B. Die Übergangsregelungen -- C. Mitglieder und Nichtmitglieder der WWU -- VIII. Gemeinsame Au?en- und Sicherheitspolitik -- A. Grundsätzliches -- B. Neutralität und EU-Mitgliedschaft -- C. Österreich als differentiell neutraler Staat -- D. Zukunftsperspektiven -- IX. Literaturauswahl -- A. Allgemeine aktuelleLiteratur -- Textausgaben -- B. EWR-spezifische Literatur.

<p>Este artículo no pretende analizar la realidad de la globalización, ni de la Unión Europea, ni de su relación, de amplitud, complejidad y dinamismo casi insondables y aquí inabarcables, sino ofrecer solo una introducción a su estudio, que ayude a proseguir el debate. Éste ha generado en el siglo XXI numerosos y poderosos esfuerzos de definición, conceptualización y teorización; aquí se indican algunos puntos de referencia relevantes y algunas lógicas, que pueden servir como anclajes y cuerda para una posible vía por esos universos. La clave está en la paradoja de Castells: «la integración europea es, al mismo tiempo, una reacción al proceso de globalización y su expresión más avanzada» y se presentan tres estudios muy diferentes. A continuación, desde el constructivismo social, se exponen la «actoridad» («actorness») de la UE , constituida por la oportunidad, presencia y capacidad, y su identidad colectiva y se termina con la presentación de varias estrategias europeas globales.</p><p><strong>Recibido</strong>: 20<strong>.</strong>11.2015<strong><br />Aceptado</strong>: 18.01.2016</p>

This paper examines the link between health inequalities, air pollution and political institutions. In health economics literature, many studies have assessed the association between environmental degradation and health outcomes. This paper extends this literature by investigating how air pollution could explain health inequalities both between and within developing countries, and the role of political institutions in this relationship. Theoretically, we argue that differential in exposition to air pollution among income classes, prevention ability against health effect of environment degradation, capacity to respond to disease caused by pollutants and susceptibility of some groups to air pollution effect are sufficient to expect a positive link between air pollution and income related health inequality. Furthermore, in democratic countries, this heterogeneity in the health effect of pollution may be mitigated since good institutions favour universal health policy issues, information and advices about hygiene and health practices, and health infrastructures building. Our econometric results show that sulphur dioxide emission (SO2) and particulate matter (PM10) are in part responsible for the large disparities in infant and child mortalities between and within developing countries. In addition, we found that democratic institutions play the role of social protection by mitigating this effect for the poorest income classes and reducing the health inequality it provokes.

This paper examines the link between health inequalities, air pollution and political institutions. In health economics literature, many studies have assessed the association between environmental degradation and health outcomes. This paper extends this literature by investigating how air pollution could explain health inequalities both between and within developing countries, and the role of political institutions in this relationship. Theoretically, we argue that differential in exposition to air pollution among income classes, prevention ability against health effect of environment degradation, capacity to respond to disease caused by pollutants and susceptibility of some groups to air pollution effect are sufficient to expect a positive link between air pollution and income related health inequality. Furthermore, in democratic countries, this heterogeneity in the health effect of pollution may be mitigated since good institutions favour universal health policy issues, information and advices about hygiene and health practices, and health infrastructures building. Our econometric results show that sulphur dioxide emission (SO2) and particulate matter (PM10) are in part responsible for the large disparities in infant and child mortalities between and within developing countries. In addition, we found that democratic institutions play the role of social protection by mitigating this effect for the poorest income classes and reducing the health inequality it provokes.

The essence of the concept of «political opposition», its broad and narrow meaning are defined in the article. The principles of the political opposition in different political regimes, its role and characteristics of interaction with the authorities are considered. It the article indicated that system or non-system nature of the opposition depends on the type of political regime in which it operates. The factors of opposition's intensification in Central and Eastern Europe are investigated. The role of the political opposition in the formation of social movements as a powerful forces in the fight against the ruling regime are analyzed. The peculiarities of the opposition in transition period are characterized. The main opposition movements and their importance in the transition from authoritarianism to democracy are viewed. The modern functions of political opposition in Central and Eastern European countries are considered in this article.Key words: opposition; transformation of political systems; anti-communist movements; political pluralism; democratization; reform; protest; revolution. ; Визначено суть поняття «політична опозиція», проаналізовано його широке і вузьке значення. Досліджено засади діяльності політичної опозиції за різних політичних режимів, її роль і особливості взаємодії з владою. Зазначено, що системний чи позасистемний характер опозиції залежить від типу політичного режиму, у якому вона функціонує. З'ясовано фактори активізації позасистемної опозиції в країнах Центрально-Східної Європи, а також роль політичної опозиції у формуванні суспільних рухів як потужної сили у боротьбі з правлячим режимом. Висвітлено специфіку опозиційної діяльності у перехідний період. Проаналізовано основні опозиційні рухи та їхнє значення в процесі переходу від авторитаризму до демократії; з'ясовано сучасні функції політичної опозиції в країнах Центрально-Східної Європи.Ключові слова: опозиція; трансформація політичних систем; антикомуністичні рухи; політичний плюралізм; демократизація; реформи; протест; революція.

Translated from Sovetskoe Gosudarstvo i Pravo, no. 4, 1975.