Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.
The aim of this study is to give a detailed overview about the immigration into the European Union between 2015 and 2019. The paper also outlines some of the risks of immigration and the recent developments of the Schengen Information System and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). The first part of the paper describes the immigration that the European Union has dealt with between 2015 and 2019, underlining the refugee flow in 2015-2016. This part includes statistics on the number of asylum applications and illegal border-crossings. The data is provided by the European Commission (Eurostat) and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency. The second part of the paper gives an overview of the European Agenda on Migration, examines the four pillars to manage migration better, including reducing the incentives for irregular migration, border management, common asylum policy and a new policy on legal migration. The third part describes the developments of the Schengen Information System and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency such as new technologies and strengthening border management, expansion of databases, joint operation outside the European Union and return operations. These developments will be essential for a better immigration management and they will make the defense of the European Union more effective, transparent and coordinated in the future.
The aim of this article is to discuss the main benefits of and problems with the creation of the EU single market and to indicate the main activities to eliminate the still existing barriers. The EU single market is the greatest success of European integration. It enables afree movement of people, goods, services and capital; for consumers, this means agreater choice in goods and services as well as lower prices. The EU single market also poses an opportunity for employees and businesses as administrative burdens involved in trans-border activity are decreased. However, in reality, there are a number of barriers hindering the smooth functioning of the single market. For the futurę of the EU single market, it is key to remove these barriers; therefore, it is with this purpose above all that the EU initiatives and activities for the market growth are undertaken. In addition, there are appearing new challenges connected with globalization, technological progress, the growing importance of services, the increase in unemployment in certain countries, and climate and the environment protection.
The agricultural and rural development policies of the European Union come/came across constant changes, becoming one of the newest stages of structural and economic problems the joining of the new member states. A new process has been initiated with Agenda 2000 and Agenda 2000+ in the Union due to which the establishment of the so called multifunctional agricultural model became a priority for the EU15 and later on the EU25. This model, separating agrarian and rural development introducing a two pillar finance system, wishes to react on the European challenges of the new millennium on the fields of agriculture and rural development. It is a basic need of Hungary to acquire as fast as possible the methods of the Union in order to receive regional grants, create adequate institutional background, projects and programmes involving more actively the rural population into the accomplishment of development plans. ; Az Európai Unió agrár- és vidékfejlesztési politikái folyamatos változásokon mentek-mennek keresztül, melynek egyik legújabb állomásává a csatlakozni kívánó országok felvétele és az azzal járó strukturális és gazdasági problémák megjelenése vált. Az AGENDA 2000-rel, majd az AGENDA 2000+-al egy újabb folyamat indult meg az Unióban melynek eredményeként az ún. többfunkciós agrármodell kiépítése lett az első számú cél a 15-ök és 2004-től a 25-ök Európájában. Ez a modell az agrár- és vidékfejlesztést kettéválasztva kétpilléres finanszírozási rendszert vezetve be kíván az új évezred európai kihívásaira reagálni a mezőgazdaság s a vidékfejlesztés terén. Hazánk alapvető érdeke, hogy minél gyorsabban sajátítsa el az Unióban használatos regionális támogatásokért folytatott módszereket, megfelelő intézményhátteret, pályázatokat és programokat hozva létre, ezáltal mind aktívabban vonva be a vidéki lakosságot is a tervek megvalósításában.
This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.
The main guideline of my research was that according to one of the international price comparative studies published by the Hungarian Energy Utility Regulatory Office (henceforth: MEKH) at the beginning of 2017, Hungary's has the lowest price in electric energy consumption and natural gas from the member states of the European Union in recent years. I'd like to introduce in my article the European Union's electricity-energy price changes based on the EUROSTAT databases, and on the data of service providers and regulatory authorities in the member countries. In contrast, I would like to present the examination of natural gas prices on the basis of the specialization databases and to find a correlation with price change. Of course, for the sake of clarity, I look at the primary energy needs of the world and the European Union, the fossil fuels and the electricity consumption amounts of fossil fuels. I also consider, to the analyze import and export, because one of the reasons for energy dependency can be the inadequate energy balance.
Due to the accession to the EU, the possibilities of receiving European Union resources have opened up. A great number of the tenders launched by the government reaches the SMS-sector delayed. However, there are promoter and tender monitoring firms, the expenses of applying them cannot be covered by the SMS-sector. On the basis of the received replies it can be stated that tenders are called for a given region, consequently, they cannot be applied for in numerous cases. Tendering deadlines are short from publishing to submission, therefore, submission of the tender fails in many cases. The tenders usually relate to range of activities, which is also grounds for refusal. The system is slow and bureaucratic. The European Union resources influence financing of the businesses, but due to the fact the continuous development resources cannot be granted. Tenders are restricted to a limited strata owing to the current tender system. As a result of the bureaucracy, the tendering funds are allocated to too many areas, therefore the efficiency of the capital acquired by the funds deteriorates significantly.
A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az "Európa régiói" megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of 'the regions of Europe'. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels.
It was sixteen years ago that recommendations and guidelines were worked out by the FAO/WHO about pre- and probiotics for professionals, industry and consumers (Pineiro and Ben Embarek, 2006). In the developed countries, conscious nutrition, health preservation and disease prevention are increasingly emphasized. In Regulation (EC) No 1831/2003 in the EU has forbidden the use of antibiotics in animal feed as a stimulant for growth. As a result of this decision, the research of health-preserving, disease-preventing products developed rapidly both in the food and feed industries. In order to avoid misuse of prebiotic and probiotic terms, it is necessary to regulate precisely the description of the products. Regulation (EU) 258/97/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council is the first time that the concept of novel foods and food ingredients was introduced. This is the regulation that for the time deals with the introduction of microorganism as food ingredient into the food chain. Pre- and probiotics are present in the food and feed industry due to their beneficial effects on the body, so the regulation of the two areas in many cases merges. A good example is Regulation (EC) 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council, which provides both food, feed, safety conditions and also human and veterinary aspects. Food safety is an important issue for all countries in the world. Every country have an authority to made regulation within this important area, for example the EFSA in EU, the GRAS qualification in USA, the FOSHU category in Japan and the food safety regulation system in Canada. The ISAPP is an international scientific committee, who make guidelines about the usage of pre- and probiotics. This work provides insight to the EU's and other countries' food law regulations. ; Tizenhat éve születtek meg a szakemberek, az ipar és a fogyasztók számára a FAO/WHO által készített ajánlások és irányelvek a pre- és probiotikumokról (Pineiro és Ben Embarek, 2006). Mindemellett a fejlett országokban egyre nagyobb társadalmi hangsúlyt kap a tudatos táplálkozás, az egészségmegőrzés és a betegségmegelőzés. Továbbá a 1831/2003/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben a Tudományos Operatív Bizottság betiltotta az antibiotikumok hozamfokozó céllal történő felhasználását a takarmányokban. A döntés hatására rohamos fejlődésnek indult az antibiotikum kiváltására szolgáló, egészségmegőrző, betegség megelőző hatással bíró készítmények kutatása az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt. A prebiotikus és probiotikus fogalommal való visszaélés elkerülésének érdekében pontos szabályozásra van szükség a termékek leírására vonatkozóan. Az (EU) 258/97/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben jelenik meg első alkalommal az új élelmiszer és az új élelmiszer-összetevő fogalma. Ez a rendelet az, amely első ízben foglalkozik a mikroorganizmusok, mint élelmiszeralkotók élelmiszerláncba kerülésével. A pre- és probiotikumok a szervezetre gyakorolt jótékony hatásuknak köszönhetően jelen vannak az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt, így a két terület szabályozása sok esetben összeolvad. Erre jó példa a 178/2002/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendelet, amely egyaránt rendelkezik az élelmiszerellátásról, takarmányozásról, ezek biztonsági feltételeiről valamint humán és állategészségügyi aspektusokról. Az élelmiszerbiztonság a világ minden országában fontos tényező. Minden ország rendelkezik olyan hatósággal, amelynek feladata az ide vonatkozó szabályok megteremtése, betartatása, felülvizsgálata. Az EU-ban az EFSA által hozott rendeletek, az USA-ban a GRAS minősítés, Japánban a FOSHU kategóriára vonatkozó rendelkezések, míg Kanadában az élelmiszereket érintő biztonsági értékelési rendszer. Az International Scientific Association of Probiotics and Prebiotics (ISAPP) pedig egy olyan nemzetközi tudományos társaság, amely segít a pre- és probiotikumok használatára vonatkozó tudományos szakvélemények megalkotásában. Jelen áttekintés segít bepillantást nyerni az EU és más országok élelmiszer- és takarmányjogi szabályozásának rendszerébe és azok kialakulásába.
This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
The presentation is a summary of the experiences of régiónál development over a quarter of a century, from the aspect of Hungárián bordér researches. European integration and the unfurling Schengen process changed the relationship of Hungárián régiónál Science and bordér researches in the interpretation of territorial processes. There was a gradual shift of focus by régiónál policies: the so-called "Trianon-syndrome", the analysis of the traditional controlling and restricting functions of State borders was gradually replaced by the analysis of the character of cross-border cooperations. From the point of view of development policy, the tight relationship of régiónál Science and bordér research was founded by the need fór the utilisation of internál and extemal resources, which is the prime motivation of cross-border relations. It is beyond doubt that the use of Hungárián and even more so the EU régiónál supports can effectively serve the moderation of the development disparities of bordér regions, the catching up of the extemal (bordér) peripheries, the "unification" of the spatial structural functions disintegrated by the Peace Treaty of Trianon, the creation and cohesion of a functioning macro-regional economic space in the Carpathian Basin - and all in all the issue of European integration, the improvement of neighbourhood relations.