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The global arena for development cooperation is in a state of flux, as the conventional drivers of economic and social progress have seen rapid transformations in the last years. In the South, new powers have (re)emerged and now represent proper alternatives to conventional North-South cooperation as a range of middle-income countries (MIC) have witnessed swift growth. Remittances and private financial flows to developing countries have exploded, and aid today only constitutes a small brick in the large puzzle that is financial flows for development. Different forms of partnership and comprehensive agreements are slowly substituting traditional donor-beneficiary relationships to the point where aid may be left with a marginal role in stimulating development. The implications of these changes for EU development cooperation are immense as the recognized and employed instruments and modalities are challenged. The changing global environment necessarily requires it to rethink its approach to development cooperation and its relations with emerging actors. Still, Europe holds a comprehensive history and experience in several areas that may prove to be comparatively advantageous in development cooperation, and where potential may be unlocked.

La Unión Europea es desde hace años el mayor financiador de la cooperación al desarrollo a los países más desfavorecidos. El tema de la condicionalidad de esta ayuda se ha visto circunscrito al respeto a los derechos humanos, sin embargo, con el impu

This document examines EU development cooperation with Latin America, considering, first, the changes in the international development agenda that are relevant to the region, including the debate about the relevance and methods of cooperation with middle-income countries (MICs), the implementation of the Paris Declaration about the effectiveness of aid and SouthSouth development cooperation in Latin America, in the context of the redefinition of regionalism and integration in this region. Second, it analyses EU cooperation with Latin America, considering especially its regional dimension, the strategies adopted, and the challenge represented by adapting cooperation to the creation of a 'network' of association agreements on which it is intended to base bi-regional relations. Special attention is paid to cooperation in science and technology, an increasingly important area of cooperation with the region, particularly with upper MICs.

European security is transnational in nature due to the interdependencies of globalized societies. This gives rise to the need for cooperation and the sharing of security intelligence between Member States. This article presents a critical review of the functioning of the intelligence community in the European Union (EU), making a historical review that allows us to understand whether or not transnational cooperation has been moving towards greater integration. In addition to mapping the organisms that are part of this community, the article relies on a theoretical framework of policy analysis to structure the challenges of intelligence sharing on the European level. It is argued that the EU's capacity to produce its own security intelligence is very low, depending on the sharing of intelligence by the national agencies. Additionally, it is said that the sharing of police intelligence is much more structured than the sharing of security intelligence. Finally, it is concluded that the European intelligence community welcomes different intelligence cultures within it and focuses its activities on diffuse cooperation that faces the limits of national sovereignty, interoperability deficits, and difficulties in establishing institutional relationships of trust.

2005/2006 ; This paper intends to be a prospective analysis of a phenomenon that is not new in Europe, but it is not even old: the cooperation and development of European regions. It reports on the results of research to explore a range of attempts to develop new regional forms in European Union, and considers the degree to which they accord to conceptualisations of the "new regionalism" and accounts of the changing territorial structure of the state. It highlights the array of new regional configurations which now extends across the territory of the European Union, discussing the influence exerted by the growth of interest in European spatial planning over the course of the 1990s and considering the degree to which readings of new regionalist rhetoric have informed both the creation and substance of a number of recently conceived regional entities. The structure of this thesis is formed by six chapters that develop one central idea of the situation of regions in European Union with particular interest on the "new regionalism" and development of trans-border cooperation in this part of the word. Therefore, we start the research paper by presenting in the first chapter - the Introduction - the main objectives of this study and the main questions that this thesis tries to answer. The second chapter - Theories of European Regional Policy – presents some of the most important theories about the concept of Regional Policy in European Union, that is also the most important mechanism that affects and tries to develop the cooperation between European regions, and the approach of this concept by different scholars all over the EU and not only. This chapter is structured in three parts: the Classical Theories of European Regional Policy in the context of European Union Policies, the New Theories and Proposals Regarding the European Regional Policy and the Cross-border Cooperation and European Regional Policy. These three ways of looking at the European Regional Policy are connected and try to approach this complex argument from more perspectives, as it can be observed in the pages of this chapter. In the chapter number 3 - The European Regional Policy and its Instruments- we are going forward into the analysis of the regional policy in European Union and try to find more connections between the regions from this perspective. In this sense, this chapter has three parts: The European Regional Policy - from the beginning to our days-, The Instruments of the European Regional Policy: A. Structural Funds and The Instruments of the European Regional Policy: B. INTERREG Programmes. We noticed, following this research, that not only the European regional policy is present in the daily life of European citizens, but also it is very active, and from its beginnings to our-days had more and more influence in the development of European regions. This was and is possible with the help of its instruments, the most important of these being presented in this chapter. Following the same framework, the next chapter, number 4 - The Theories of Regionalism in the European Union – wants to approach the issue of regional cooperation also from a more formal point of view. In this sense, the chapter has three parts: The Regionalism and the "New Regionalism" in the European Union, The Analytical Framework and the Trans-border Regions and the "New Regionalism". This structure helps understanding the concept of regionalism and, more than that, seeing the connection between European regionalism, the European regional policy and the main actors in this field, the European regions. At this point of the study, it is necessary to give some examples of how it is working and how could work these theoretical aspects in practice. The chapter number 5 - The Analysis of Two Case-study of Regionalism in European Union – brings to our attention two examples of European regionalism, one from the beginning of the application of this concepts: A Case-study of "Old Regionalism" in European Union - Cross-border Cooperation: Italy and Austria -, and on the other side, an example of a more recent type of this phenomenon in the European Union, that is: A Case-study of "New Regionalism" in the European Union – Trans-national Cooperation North West Europe (NWE). The chapter concludes, in the third part: The Results of the Analysis between these Two Types of Regionalism in the European Union, by presenting some similarities of these two types of regionalism and the advantages and disadvantages that result from the application of this kind of regional cooperation. The final chapter, number 6 – Conclusions and Next Steps, presents the conclusions and some possible ways of action in the future, in the field of cooperation between the European regions, so the chapter is structured in two parts: Conclusions and Next Steps. The thesis concludes with a list of references that we used in the research. This part is the Bibliography. It is divided in the following parts: General Papers, Special Papers, Studies-Articles-Publications, European Union Documents and Electronic sources. For a better understanding of the arguments in discussion, we considered necessary to annex three documents: Cross-border Cooperation (ERDF) Maps in European Union, Trans-national Cooperation Areas Maps in the European Union and Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). This represents the situation of the regions in the European Union. Within this structure, the thesis wants to put in light the importance and the role that the regions play in the European Union. The analysis of this kind of aspects could bring a better understanding of where and how the future will be for the regions in the European Union. ; Questa tesi vuole essere un'analisi prospettica di un fenomeno che non è nuovo in Europa, ma nemmeno conosciuto da tanto tempo: la cooperazione e lo sviluppo delle regione europee. Questo lavoro riporta i risultati della ricerca che ha tentato di analizzare in modi diversi le nuove forme regionali nell'Unione Europea, considerando in quale grado gli esperti sono d'accordo nel dare una definizione al "nuovo regionalismo" e nel rilevare le modifiche strutturali a livello territoriale dello stato. Nello stesso tempo, si sottolinea la moltitudine di nuove configurazioni regionali che adesso si possono individuare sul territorio dell'Unione Europea, esaminando l'influenza esercitata da un maggior interesse per la pianificazione spaziale - territoriale a partire dagli anni '90, anche in considerazione del grado in cui le nuove teorie retoriche regionaliste hanno influito sulla creazione e sulla sostanza di nuove forme regionali che sono state create di recente. La struttura di questa tesi si basa su sei capitoli, ognuno dei quali prova a sviluppare da un punto di vista diverso, un'idea centrale della situazione delle regioni nell'Unione Europea, con un accento particolare sul fenomeno del "nuovo regionalismo" e lo sviluppo della cooperazione transfrontaliera in questa parte del mondo. In questo senso si è dato inizio a questo lavoro di ricerca, presentando nel primo capitolo, l'Introduzione, i principali obiettivi di questa tesi e le questioni più importanti per le quali si vogliono trovare delle risposte. Il secondo capitolo – Le teorie della politica regionale europea – presenta alcune delle più importanti teorie che riguardano il concetto della Politica Regionale nell'Unione Europea, che è nello stesso tempo il meccanismo principale che influisce e che prova a sviluppare la cooperazione tra le regione europee. In esso si mettono anche in evidenza le teorie di diversi studiosi europei e non solo, che hanno analizzato questo argomento. Il capitolo è strutturato in tre parti: Le teorie classiche della politica regionale europea nel contesto delle politiche europee; Le nuove teorie e le proposte che riguardano la politica regionale europea; La cooperazione transfrontaliera e la politica regionale europea. Questi tre modi di avvicinarsi al tema della politica regionale europea sono collegati tra di loro e provano a studiare questo fenomeno complesso da svariate prospettive, come si può desumere dalle pagine di questo capitolo. Nel terzo capitolo – La politica regionale europea e i suoi strumenti – si è cercato di procedere nell'analisi della politica regionale nell'Unione Europea e di trovare più connessioni tra le regioni da questo punto di vista. In tal senso, questo capitolo si sviluppa in tre parti: La politica regionale europea – dalle origini fino ad oggi; Gli strumenti della politica regionale europea: A) i fondi strutturali; Gli strumenti della politica regionale europea: B) i programmi INTERREG. Nel corso di questa ricerca abbiamo notato che non solo la politica regionale europea è presente nella vita quotidiana dei cittadini europei, ma che, da quando ha avuto inizio questa sua presenza e fino ai nostri giorni, è stata ed è molto attiva, avendo un'influenza crescente nello sviluppo delle regioni europee. Ciò è stato ed è tuttora possibile grazie ai suoi strumenti, i più importanti dei quali sono stati presentati e studiati in questo capitolo. Seguendo la stessa costruzione, il successivo capitolo quattro – Le teorie del regionalismo nell'Unione Europea – vuole approfondire l'argomento della cooperazione regionale anche da un punto di vista più formale. In tal senso, il capitolo è suddiviso in tre parti: Il regionalismo e il "nuovo regionalismo" nell'Unione Europea; La struttura analitica; Le regioni transfrontaliere e il "nuovo regionalismo". Questa struttura aiuta a capire il concetto di "regionalismo" e, soprattutto, prova a dimostrare le connessioni esistenti tra il regionalismo europeo, la politica regionale europea e i principali attori in questo campo, le regioni europee. A questo punto della ricerca, si è ritenuto necessario dare qualche esempio di come funzionano e come potrebbero funzionare in pratica questi concenti teorici. Il capitolo quinto – L'analisi di due casi di studio del regionalismo nell'Unione Europea – sottopone alla nostra attenzione due esempi di regionalismo europeo, di cui uno può rappresentare le prime fasi nell'applicazione di questi concetti teorici: Un caso di studio del "vecchio regionalismo" nell'Unione Europea – Cooperazione transfrontaliera: Italia e Austria; mentre l'altro caso fornisce un esempio di un tipo di regionalismo manifestatosi più di recente nell'Unione Europea: Un caso di studio del "nuovo regionalismo" nell'Unione Europea – Cooperazione transnazionale: Nord-Ovest Europa (NWE). Il capitolo si conclude con una terza parte: I risultati dell'analisi tra questi due tipi di regionalismo nell'Unione Europea. In questa parte si è cercato di rappresentare alcune delle similitudini risultanti dall'analisi, nonché i vantaggi e gli svantaggi derivanti dall'applicazione pratica di questo tipo di cooperazione regionale. Nell'ultimo capitolo, numero sei, – Conclusioni e Azioni Future, sono esposte le conclusioni e le possibili direzioni future d'azione nel campo della cooperazione tra le regioni europee. Questo capitolo è strutturato in due parti: Conclusioni; Azioni Future. La tesi si conclude con un elenco delle risorse bibliografiche utilizzate per questa ricerca. Questa parte, denominata Bibliografia, è strutturata nelle parti seguenti: Libri Generali; Libri di Specialità; Studi, Articoli, Pubblicazioni; Documenti dell'Unione Europea; Fonti Elettroniche. Per una migliore comprensione degli argomenti affrontati in questa tesi, si è ritenuto necessario di allegare tre documenti: Le cartine della Cooperazione Transfrontaliera nell'Unione Europea; Le cartine della Cooperazione Transnazionale nell'Unione Europea; La Nomenclatura delle Unità Territoriali Statistiche (NUTS). Questi documenti rappresentano l'attuale situazione delle regioni nell'Unione Europea. Con questa impostazione, la tesi vuole mettere in evidenza l'importanza e il ruolo che le regioni giocano nell'Unione Europea. L'analisi di questo tipo di argomenti può portare a una migliore comprensione circa la configurazione del futuro per le regioni nell'Unione Europea. ; XIX Ciclo

Summary presented at the start of the article: " 'Development cooperation' is one of the traditional policy domains of the European Union (EU). Over the years it advanced from an instrument used in colonial times to one of modern partnership, although European self-interest remains a driving force. Jointly, the EU and its member states are the largest development donor in the world and also provide sizable market access and investment to developing countries. Their overall performance record has been assessed fairly positively by internal and external parties, although many possible improvements have been identified. The various enlargements of the EU traceably supported a widening of the geographic and substantive scope of EU development policies and practice. In addition, EU development cooperation was reinforced by the fact that it gradually received a firmer basis in the constituent EU treaties. The 'European Consensus on Development' document, as revised in 2017, laid out the main direction of and emphases in EU development cooperation until the year 2030. The European Consensus prescribed a rights-based approach, and squarely placed the United Nations "Agenda 2030" and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) contained in it, as the main framework and objectives for EU development cooperation. A wide range of actors is involved in EU development cooperation, in part because this is an area of shared competence among the EU member states that pursue their own national policies as well as those specified by the EU. Thus, EU actors such as the European Commission, Council, and Parliament feature in this policy field along with EU member states and individual or collective developing country actors. The most prominent example of this is the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, which consists of 79 countries. Civil society organizations, including non-governmental development organizations, both from the North and the South, also seek to influence or otherwise engage with the policies and ...

There has been a shift in the intelligence and security strategies of the states since 9/11. The attacks created a new security environment in which intelligence has become increasingly significant. Not only have the responsibilities and tasks of intelligence agencies become more important, but the necessity for intelligence and security service cooperation among nations has also increased. Accordingly, intelligence agencies had to update their strategies to put more emphasis on collaboration. This article analyzes the current EU intelligence network and tries to answer whether full intelligence cooperation in the EU could develop into a discrete organization in the aftermath of 2004 Madrid, 2005 London and the 7 January 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks, or whether it is an impossible dream to have concerted action whereby states acknowledge their mutual alliances, interests, and strategies.

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional ; Este artigo tem como objetivo investigar a perceção de que as práticas de financiamento da cooperação para o desenvolvimento estão a passar por uma "Southernisation" - querendo isto dizer que o (re)aparecimento de doadores do Sul, como a China, India ou Brasil, estão a influenciar o discurso e as práticas dos doadores tradicionais. O objetivo é efetuá-lo através de uma análise comparativa das práticas de financiamento da cooperação para o desenvolvimento da União Europeia e da China para a América Latina durante a última década (2007-2017). ; This paper aims to investigate the notion that development cooperation financing practices are undergoing a "Southernisation" - that is to say, (re)emerging donors from the South such as China, India or Brazil are influencing traditional donor practices and discourse. It aims to do so by means of an exploratory comparative analysis of European Union and Chinese development cooperation financing practices towards Latin America, and how they have evolved over the past decade (2007-2017). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

There has been a shift in the intelligence and security strategies of the states since 9/11. The attacks created a new security environment in which intelligence has become increasingly significant. Not only have the responsibilities and tasks of intelligence agencies become more important, but the necessity for intelligence and security service cooperation among nations has also increased. Accordingly, intelligence agencies had to update their strategies to put more emphasis on collaboration. This article analyzes the current EU intelligence network and tries to answer whether full intelligence cooperation in the EU could develop into a discrete organization in the aftermath of 2004 Madrid, 2005 London and the 7 January 2015 Charlie Hebdo attacks, or whether it is an impossible dream to have concerted action whereby states acknowledge their mutual alliances, interests, and strategies.

The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.

The purpose was to substantiate the features and determine an effective strategy for Ukraine's Eurointegration. Used a theoretical analysis of reports on the fulfillment of the terms of the European Union (EU)–Ukraine Association Agreement (AA), we identified the problems and destructive factors of the European integration for Ukraine. The graph theory helped to prioritize these problems in the context of implementing the AA's tasks. Constructed neural models and elasticity coefficients provided a quantitative assessment of the adequate performance of strategic functions within the framework of the AA for Ukraine has been carried out. Priority of conduction tasks argued the importance of implementing a strategy of moderate adaptation for Ukraine to increase the positive effect of cooperation with the EU and sustainable development of the country

In line with the European policy of supporting China's economic reform and development, research institutes and companies in the European Union (EU) have been the major sources for high-technology exports to the People's Republic of China in the past thirty years. Dual-use technologies ranging from aerospace to semiconductors play a central role for economic development as well as for modern military development, including network-centric warfare. Yet a comprehensive EU paradigm on China's military rise and the impact of these technology transfers has not evolved. The EU–China "strategic partnership" is still dominated by economic considerations. Lack of coordination between the national and the European level contribute to the risks accompanying EU–China collaboration in this field. The differences between EU and U.S. perceptions of China's military rise provide potential for further Transatlantic discord, as happened during the acrimonious debate on the intended lifting of the EU arms embargo on China in 2004–2005.

This article outlines the causes of conflict in the Horn of Africa and the joint EU-Africa strategies undertaken by the European Union and the Horn of Africa partners to bring sustainable peace to the region.

The recently announced Energy Union by the European Commission is the most recent step in a series of developments aiming at integrating the European Union's (EU) gas markets in order to increase social welfare and security of gas supply. Based on simulations with a spatial partial equilibrium model, we analyze the changes in consumption, prices, and social welfare up to 2022 induced by the infrastructure expansions planned for this period, for the current market, as well as for three hypothetical scenarios: a halt of Russian gas deliveries to the EU during the winter period (RU-); a simultaneous doubling of available LNG (LNG+); and for Brexit, in which the United Kingdom market is isolated from the EU. In the case of the current market, the new infrastructure leads to a slight decrease of wholesale prices. Moreover, the potential of suppliers to exert market power decreases significantly, particularly in the Baltic states and Finland which are the most exposed countries today, and consumer surplus increases by 17.4% in the EU. In the RU- scenario, consumer surplus decreases across Europe, with the largest losses occurring in the Baltic states, as well as in Finland, Poland and Romania. In the LNG+ scenario, the gains in consumer surplus are primarily found in Western Europe. However, the planned infrastructure expansions distribute the gains and losses in consumer surplus more evenly over all EU member states, with the exception of Romania. In the Brexit scenario, consumer surplus decreases by up to 5.1% in the United Kingdom, 19.2% in Ireland, and 3.6% in the other EU countries. Our results allow us to distinguish three categories of projects: (i) Change in gas availability, leading to a general increase or decrease of social welfare all over the EU. The only project increasing social welfare in all scenarios in most countries is the Trans-Anatolian Gas Pipeline (TANAP); (ii) existing gas sources made available to additional countries. This leads to an increase of social welfare in the newly connected countries, while social welfare drops slightly everywhere else; (iii) projects with a marginal effect on the market. Most notably, the recently announced Turkish Stream falls into this category. Our results indicate that if all proposed infrastructure projects are realized, the EU's single market will become a reality in 2019 when Finland is interconnected to the EU markets. However, we also find that social welfare can only be increased significantly for the EU as a whole if new gas sources become accessible. At the same time, efficiency gains, albeit decreasing social welfare, help to improve the situation of consumers and decrease the dependency of the EU as a whole on external suppliers.

In a period of stress in the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, cooperation over energy could be a bright spot, because of strong mutual interests. However, EU-Turkey cooperation over energy requires a rethink. Up to now, gas and electricity have represented the main components of cooperation. Though highly visible, cooperation in these fields appears to be limited in practise. By contrast, cooperation in other fields - such as renewables, energy efficiency, nuclear energy and emissions trading - could make a real impact on long-term energy, climate and environmental sustainability, and on overall macroeconomic and geopolitical stability. On renewables and energy efficiency, the EU could support Turkey by scaling-up the financial support it currently provides within the framework of its climate finance commitments. This would reinforce the case for renewables and efficiency projects in Turkey, particularly as the cost of capital continues to represent a major barrier for these investments. On nuclear energy, the EU can make a sensible contribution to the establishment of a nuclear energy sector in Turkey. This can notably be accomplished by integrating Turkey into the framework of Euratom. On carbon markets, the EU can offer institutional support to Turkey, as is already being done with other countries such as China. Refocusing bilateral cooperation on renewable energy, energy efficiency, nuclear energy and carbon markets would be more effective and strategic for both the EU and Turkey. For the EU, it would provide an opportunity to put its sustainable energy leadership aspirations into practice, while opening up new commercial opportunities. For Turkey, it would enhance both climate and environmental performance, while reducing the energy import bill and energy dependency on Russia. This change in priorities would also be important to head off Turkey's rush into coal. Turkey currently has the third largest coal power plant development programme in the world, after India and China.