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Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.

This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

A soft Brexit scenario will include an implementation period from the day the UK formally leaves the EU to 31 December 2020. During the implementation period, the UK will continue to be functionally treated as an EU member state and remain a party to EU international agreement. Associated with the ASEAN single market, should be considered the readiness of Indonesian regulations and legislations that in sectorial concerns at least three aforementioned legal instruments to be harmonized with the laws of the ASEAN countries. Important findings were shown by the research from the perspectives of business law, especially, capital investment law, intellectual property and international trade law that Brexit has significant impact for the EU itself, Indonesia and also AEC.

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

The 2007 Indonesian investment law granted national treatment for foreign investors, establishing a transparent 'negative list' for out-of-bonds investment sectors, and has been considired as a reformative regulation in Indonesia's economic strategy. However, decentralized systems give autonomy to local governments to manage their projects and infrastructure themselves. This leads into increasiig investment burdens through their opaque measures that are creating perceptions of risk for foreign investors. As a result, lack of legal certainty, inconsistent regulations and judiciary system would hamter investments. This article argues that law 25/2007 should be supported by a comprehensive investment policy to attract more foreign investors into Indonesia. A key element in establishing a competitive region is a free and open investment regime, This article addresses policy impediment to private investment in Indonesia as well as in the ASEAN region. Indonesia and ASEAN should have non-discriminatory treatment extended to foreign investors including ASEAN-based inveitors, as the establishment of ASEAN Economic community (AEC) will cornmence in 2015. Legal certainty of international business transaction by private investors is fostering investments by both direct investment and indirect investment (portfolio). Parties to investment agreements include individuals, small, medium and large multinational corporations, and countries. In this centralized global atmosphere, the Indonesian agovemment has to provide guarantees to leverage private investments.

Budgeting for a state or a country seems to be the most important part to handle administration and government policy in term of socio economic reason. In practice, a lot of government tends to subscribe a balance budget whereby it is striving to balance between revenues and expenditures accurately. Unfortunately, this balancing post uses a debt and foreign aid charged by interest to cover any shortage in revenues. In the real context, the budget deficit management based on debt is still controversial and considered inappropriate with developing country conditions which their economies are unstable and fluctuated. Unfortunately, many countries in the world including Muslim-populated countries subscribe budget deficit system whereby the sources of its fund are backed up by debt. The focus of this paper is to analyze two main sensitive issues of the Indonesian economy in the light of Maqasid Al Shariah. This study employs a method of literature review and combined with data analysis. Actually, Islam has a very rich literature legacy in administrating public sector economy and it becomes important theory and framework as a stance or point of view to analyze the prevailing system. The high interest rate payment is the main issue of public sector expenditure. Indonesian government seems no choices to resolve its public sector economy and relies too much on debt management. For social welfare expenditure there has been a misallocation in emphasizing budget expenditure whereby oil and petroleum subsidy consume almost majority of the total welfare expenditure in Indonesian public sector economy

Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. III No. 2 Nopember 2014, p. 249-268 ; European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketergantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe. This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.

This paper tries to discuss diplomatic governance study on Indonesian decision-making and implementing foreign policy. Diplomatic governance is a concept that is adopted from democratic study on how to manage transparent and accountable decison-making policy. The discourse on diplomatic governance is expected to improve effectivity and efficiency of Indonesian foreign policy in achieving its national interests. Foreign policy that will be the focus of this paper is Indonesiaan foreign policy of administrative–based economy. In the last 10 years, this policy have been constractedserious problems such as corruption, lack of protection of Indonesian citizen abroad and crisis on law-politics issues such as dispute resolution in International Court of Justice in the case of Sipadan and Ligitan Islands.This paper considers that the lacks of effective and efficient of Indonesian foreign policy in articulating Indonesia"s national interests in international fora are closely related to the low governance negotiation discourse in the formulation and implementation of Indonesia's foreign policy.

AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico

This paper aims to explain the problem is getting the massive influx of foreign tourists to Indonesia. Massive foreign tourists to Indonesia appeared to have an impact on the potential threat of non-traditional Indonesia. Membajirnya foreign travelers in keveriusan akibatnkan by the government to capitalize on the object of the tourism industry as one of the country's foreign exchange objects. With the method of qualitative analysis supported by data collection techniques secondary and primary then produced the conclusion that the massive rating aving to Indonesia because of a) policies shaft maritime Jokowi wrong vatu orientation is the development of the tourism industry, b) bilateral relations between Indonesia and a number of countries is getting more intense including in the field of pariwisatwa, trade, investment, energy, etc., c) the geopolitical posture especially Indonesian mainly sea access easier for foreign tourists to visit Indonesia, including the illegal way. The result is a policy response one BVK make many visits to Indonesia. Dampakanya potentially against illegal behavior in the form of non tradisionaal threat of the emergence of illegal labor. This is related to the inability of the state to provide employment for its citizens but to take the labor of other countries. Thus, the policy of rating mobilization efforts should be supervised by all sides because of the potential not only to the emergence of foreign workers but other illegal behavior such as drug dealers etc.

Foreign policy stated by Indonesia related to the Republic ofVanuatu support for the Indenpendence of West Papua does not happennaturally. It is influenced by the facts and values that are had by theIndonesia that led to the perception and influences the decision ofmaking process. Indonesia stated that West Papua is a part of therepublic of Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesia states a foreign policy ofRepublic of Vanuatu regarding the support for the independence ofWest Papua. The result of this research indicates that there are someforeign policies of Indonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support forthe Independence of West Papua based on set of orientation, set ofcommitments and a group of behavior action. This research usesrealism approach, the concept of international politics, the concept offoreign policy, the concept of power, the concept of national interest, andthe concept of sovereignty that can explain the foreign policy ofIndonesia against the Republic Vanuatu support for the independenceof West Papua 2015-2016

Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

This thesis departs from the Diplomatic Crisis between Saudi Arabia and Qatar in 2017. In relation to the diplomatic crisis, it was explained that Qatar issued a Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis, and refused to fulfill the 13 demands given by Saudi Arabia and its allies. However, the policy issued by Qatar is inseparable from the encouraging factors. For this reason, this Thesis Writing aims to find out the Factors that encourage Qatar's Policy in the Diplomatic Crisis in 2017. By using KJ Holsti's Foreign Political Study and Literature Study Research Methods, this thesis discovers the Driving Variables namely Oil and Gas Sales Guarantee nature to other countries, Diversification of Economic Sources from the Non-Oil and Gas Sector, Resilience of the Transportation Sector to the Diplomatic Crisis, Alternative Flight Lines, Guaranteed Food Supply from the Outside, Endurance of the Trade Sector against the Diplomatic Crisis and Donald Trump's Defense against Saudi Arabia.