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The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

Jin, Lei. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-170). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; THESIS COMMITTEE --- p.II ; ABSTRACT --- p.IV ; 摘要 --- p.VI ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.VIII ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.XII ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.",XIV" ; LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS --- p.XVII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- GENERAL INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of Mushroom --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- Mushroom --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1.2 --- Shiitake Mushroom --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.1.3 --- Production of Shiitake mushroom --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.1.4 --- Taxonomy of Shiitake --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.1.5 --- Nutrients of Shiitake --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.1.6 --- Taste Substances of Shiitake --- p.10 ; Chapter 7.1.7 --- Aroma Components of Shiitake --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.1.8 --- Color of Shiitake --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Food Additives --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Food Additives --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Definition of Food Additives Given by FA O/WHO Joint Expert Committee for Food Additives (JECFA) --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Definition of Food Additives Given by the Commission of the European Union --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Food Colorants and Stability Assessment --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- "Define a Color: Color Space, Hue, and Chroma" --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Natural Pigment --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- Food Color and use of Colorant --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- Microbial Colors as Food Colorant --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3.5 --- Stability of Food Colorant --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Food Safety and Risk Assessment --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- Food Safety --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- The Codex Alimentarius --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.4.3 --- National and Regional Authorities --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.4.4 --- The Acceptable Daily Intake (ADI) and Other Related Safety Levels --- p.25 ; Chapter 1.4.5 --- Toxicity Tests for Safety Assessment --- p.26 ; Chapter 1.4.6 --- Sensitive Organs to Toxin (Liver and Kidney) --- p.29 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Safety Assessment of Food Color Additives ...

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范