A soft Brexit scenario will include an implementation period from the day the UK formally leaves the EU to 31 December 2020. During the implementation period, the UK will continue to be functionally treated as an EU member state and remain a party to EU international agreement. Associated with the ASEAN single market, should be considered the readiness of Indonesian regulations and legislations that in sectorial concerns at least three aforementioned legal instruments to be harmonized with the laws of the ASEAN countries. Important findings were shown by the research from the perspectives of business law, especially, capital investment law, intellectual property and international trade law that Brexit has significant impact for the EU itself, Indonesia and also AEC.
Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. III No. 2 Nopember 2014, p. 249-268 ; European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketergantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe. This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.
Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party. ; Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.
This study addresses the two-fold question of whether the integration-liberalization process of ASEAN is headed towards the creation of a single production base region, and how ASEAN links with other trade blocks. It looks into the degree of intra-ASEAN and extra-ASEAN vertical integration vis-à-vis North America, East Asia, and the European Union through the measurement of value-added creation-absorption in global value chains (GVC) and by locating ASEAN within vertical structures. The study employs an international input-output database and breaks up gross exports into different components of value-added using data from 1997, 2004, and 2012. ASEAN has made significant gains in integrating with East Asia. However, ASEAN as a single production region has gained little, and even lost share in value-added trade with NAFTA and Europe. The truth is that ASEAN has a stronger role across the GVC as a supplier of intermediate goods (33%) than as a supplier of final goods (30%). Vertical structures represent more than 43% of ASEAN gross exports, but it still depends on foreign parts and components (35%) to produce its exports. It may be argued that ASEAN + 6, which entails a wider scope of integration, might offer larger benefits to the ASEAN project.
