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Within the last twenty or so years a lot has changed in bioethics that is worthy of a serious re-writing of its history. Namely, up to the end of the 20th century Anglo-American "biomedical ethics" (often borrowing the name "bioethics" coined by V. R. Potter but deliberately ignoring Potter's concept), launched from Georgetown University and narrowed down to four principles, was a globally predominant doctrine, propagated by the Kennedy Institute of Ethics, its students, financial resources, and political power. Up to then, most of Europe had been very slowly accepting the notion of "bioethics", perceiving it correctly as an unnecessary American "import", while attempts to Europeanise the idea by revising the set of principles had not proven to be particularly successful. With the discovery of the work of Fritz Jahr in 1997, however, European bioethics regained its lost genealogy and found the courage to claim respect for values other than the American ones. Within the bioethics defined by the Jahrian "Imperative", a place could have been found not only for the colourful, philosophical, religious and cultural legacy of Europe, but also for the newly evaluated Potter's work. This "fusion", a substantial and methodological deepening and broadening of the discipline, soon revealed its attractiveness to Latin-American and Asian centres and individuals also. Today we can talk with certainty about the end of "bioethics in Europe" and the beginning of "European bioethics" with all the complexity and interdependence of its variations – Mediterranean, German, French, Central and Eastern European, and others. By finding similarities among them, we might eliminate fear from "insurmountable" moral relativism, but also avoid the mistake of understanding global bioethics as a list of national bioethics. For the sake of constructing a more "universal bioethics", this paper finds the ideas of Fritz Jahr, Van Rensselaer Potter, Diego Gracia Guillén, and integrative bioethics as promoted by several Southeast-European authors, as ...

The author criticizes those Euro-sceptics who still treat the European Union as an open project that requires major decisions on the road to its fruition, as if the Union had not relinquished the model of the classical nation-state a long time ago. The author also promotes a reinterpretation of those aspects of European history that have given rise or might give rise to anti-European sentiments. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the significance of Nietzsche' s work On the use and abuse of history for life through the reception of that work by the eminent historian Burckhardt. He suggests that their disagreements are paradigmatic for understanding the role of history & historical education in shaping the European spirit i.e. the meaning of the continuity of European history. The second part offers various interpretative possibilities in analyzing the relationship between Nietzsche's thought & the historical reality of National Socialism. The author concludes that Nietzsche has been seen as a radical thinker whose influence cannot be disregarded. References. Adapted from the source document.

Ideja o nastanku jedne zajednice koja bi obuhvatila Europu seže daleko u prošlost, ali tek 1950. godine nastaju prvi koraci ka stvaranju Europske unije. Velika razaranja u ratovima nametnula su razmišljanja o tome kako nadići antagonizme među europskim državama. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, europske države shvaćaju da imaju zajedničke probleme i odlučuju se dobrovoljno udružiti u zajednicu kako bi stvorile bolju budućnost za nadolazeće generacije. Tako nastaje Europska zajednica za ugljen i čelik, koja se kasnije udružuje s Europskom ekonomskom zajednicom i Europskom zajednicom za atomsku energiju te se od 1993. godine formalno formira Europska unija pod tim nazivom. Sadrži veliki broj članica koje se povećavaju iz dana u dan. Osnovni cilj rada jest prikazati kakva je to zapravo bila ideja o osnivanju zajednica koje bi ujedinile Europu, kako je nastala Europska zajednica te kako se razvijala, prikazati ciljeve EU-a, kakve je promjene donijela u Europi te je li ispunila svoj prvobitni i najznačajniji cilj, a to je ujedinjenje Europe. ; The European Union represents the most significant segment of the European integration. The idea about its formation and the formation itself have a long history. In 1950, the French Foreign Minister – Robert Schuman, motivated by the need of establishing peace, presented a project as the beginning of the European federalization process or more clearly as the first step towards the European Federation. Under this influence, in 1952¸ European Coal and Steel Community was established. In the upcoming years, two more communities were founded – European Economic Community and European Community for Atomic Energy. The result of the cooperation and integration of these two communities is the European Union. Formally, it is established on the 1st of November, 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty. European Union is the result of a discussion on building the everlasting peace in this region. It was created as a consequence of fear from the internal and foreign threats to the safety of Europe. The main goals of the European integrations are: encouraging the balanced and tenable economic development; to confirm its identity on the international scene, especially by spreading common foreign and secure politics; to strengthen the protection of rights and interests of the citizens of its members by the introduction of the rights of Union citizenship; to develop a close cooperation in the field of judiciary and internal affairs. Political activities of the European Union can be seen in different spheres – from the health care and economics to the foreign affairs and defence politics. Depending on the development of every country individually, the organization of the European Union differs on different fields. European Union, as the organization that unites Europe and that represents an important segment in development of the international cooperation and the peacekeeping, has become a subject of a study and research of the international historiography. Today, the establishment and development of the European Union are being studied greatly, but also is a question whether it shows some indications of its disruption and disadvantages that could be the reasons of the EU falling apart. Therefore, thanks to many authors, a lot of work exists that talks about this. Is EU going to fall apart in the future - remains the question for which we will be able to find an answer only in days ahead of us.

Na temelju uvida u sadržaj rukopisne ostavštine, članaka i monografija Ljudevita Modeca (1844.–1897.), u članku je istražen i obrađen Modecov značaj u povijesti hrvatske pedagogije. Modec je bio prvi moderni hrvatski metodičar. Obrazovao se na preparandiji u Pragu, što mu je omogućilo širenje modernih srednjoeuropskih pedagoških tendencija u brojnim hrvatskim gradovima, naročito u Zagrebu, Petrinji i Osijeku. Posebnost Modecova metodičkog rada očitovala se u tome što je primjenjivao teološki i herbartovski pedagoški pristup, pri čemu se češće opredjeljivao za teološki pristup. Takav pristup prepoznao je kao sredstvo za kvalitetan razvoj individualnog morala. U svojim člancima Modec je najčešće pisao o osobitostima metodike, dok je u monografijama najčešće tumačio metodičku praksu. U ovom članku ukratko su prikazana pedagoška, dakle metodička obilježja njegovih djela. Pritom ističem da je Modec prilikom poučavanja njegovao deduktivni pristup. U svojim tekstovima često je poticao na domoljublje. Uzrok tome bile su povijesno-političke okolnosti u kojima se hrvatski narod nalazio tijekom druge polovice 19. stoljeća (mađarizacija, germanizacija, centralizacija, neoapsolutizam), što je, uostalom, i uzrokovalo njegovo latentno političko usmjerenje prema Starčevićevoj Stranci prava. ; Based on the insight into the manuscripts, articles, and monographs by Ljudevit Modec (1844–1897), this article researches and elaborates on Modec's significance in the history of Croatian pedagogy. Modec was the first Croatian contemporary expert in teaching methodology. His education at a teacher training school in Prague enabled the spread of modern Central European pedagogic tendencies in many Croatian cities, especially in Zagreb, Petrinja, and Osijek. The distinctiveness of Modec's work in teaching methodology manifests in the implementation of a theological and Herbartian pedagogical approach. Between those, he most frequently opted for the theological approach, which he recognised as the means for a finer development of individual morals. In his articles, Modec most frequently wrote about the distinct characteristics of teaching methodology, while his monographs most often interpreted the teaching methodology practice. This article briefly outlines the pedagogical, i.e. teaching methodology characteristics of his works. In so doing, it is important to emphasise that Modec fostered the deductive approach in teaching. In his texts, he often encouraged patriotism. That was due to the political and historical circumstances in Croatia during the second half of the 19th century (Hungarianization, Germanization, centralisation, neo-absolutism), which were also the cause of his latent political tendency towards Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights.

U suvremenim se teorijama pojmu identiteta pristupa kao konstitutivnoj kategoriji, pa se tako i europski identitet u tekstu propituje kroz njegove konstitutivne elemente. U tekstu se konstrukcija europskog identiteta prikazuje kao traženje nove vrste identiteta, gdje tradicionalne nacionalne spone, kao što su teritorij, povijest, kultura i politička tradicija, nemaju jednaku ulogu kao u identificiranju s nacijom. Stoga se i postavlja pitanje "temelja" europskog identiteta. U članku se propituje izgradnja "novog" europskog identiteta koji bi trebao biti utemeljen na snažnom kolektivnom identitetu koji se očituje u lojalnosti građana prema Europskoj Uniji. U tom kontekstu dosadašnje suvremene kritike, kao i analitičke primjene pojma europskog identiteta, dotiču ne samo pitanje političkog legitimiteta, već sve više uzimaju u razmatranje dublje elemente koji su vezani uz njegovu "političko-emocionalnu" legitimaciju. ; The concept of identity in modern theories is studied as a constitutive category, so the European identity in the text is explored through his constitutive elemente. Construction of European identity is displayed in the text as a search for new kinds of identity, where traditional national bonds such as territory, history, culture and political traditions have the same role as the identification with the nation. Therefore raises the question of "foundations" of European identity. The article examines the construction of the "new" European identity, which should be based on a strong collective identity, and which is reflected in the loyalty of the citizens of the European Union. So far, context of contemporary criticism, and analytical application of the term European identity, is dealing not only with a question of political legitimacy, but increasingly take into consideration the deeper elements that are related to the "political and emotional" legitimacy.

Većina europskih zemalja prije samog početka Drugoga svjetskog rata nije započela s nasilnijim pokušajima asimilacije, kakav je već bio u tijeku u nacističkoj Njemačkoj. Izbijanjem Drugoga svjetskog rata i širenjem nacističkog utjecaja na mnoge europske zemlje, bilo izravno kao okupirane, ili posredno kao države – saveznice, započeli su se provoditi neki dijelovi nacističkog anticiganističkog modela odnosa prema Romima. Analizom u ovom radu biti će obuhvaćen odnos srednjoeuropskih vlasti, poput mađarskih, hrvatskih, čehoslovačkih i poljskih, prema romskom manjinskom stanovništvu za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Poseban dio analize će se usredotočiti na pitanje da li su i u kojoj mjeri nacističke vlasti utjecale na odnos navedenih državnih vlasti prema Romima. ; Up to the World War II in most European countries there were no violent assimilation attempts like those that had already been in progress in Nazi Germany. With the beginning of World War II and the spreading of Nazi influence on many European countries, either directly because of occupation, or indirectly as ally countries, some parts of Nazi anti-Roma model started to be implemented. The analysis of this paper deals with Central European governments such as Hungarian, Croatian, Czechoslovak and Polish and their attitude to minority Roma population during World War II. A separate part of analysis focuses on the question whether and to which extent Nazi government had an impact on the attitude of the abovementioned governments to the Roma.

Članak prikazuje recentne studije o novcu kao pravnom fenomenu, putem čijeg kreiranja različiti "stakeholderi" uređuju raspodjelu resursa i odnose između pojedinih dijelova društva. U ovoj koncepciji novac formira tržište, a ne obratno. Na primjeru "slobodnog kovanja" karakterističnog za Englesku od 12. do 14. stoljeća analizira se dilema nominalizam – metalizam, te tri ograničenja robnog novca u kojima se očituje Greshamov zakon, odnosno kontroverza likvidnosti. U članku se ne analizira na koje proturječnosti nailazi nominalistička politika novca. Pokazuje se da se ni u suvremenoj koncepciji robnog novca, eksplicitnoj u Hayekovoj studiji The Denationalization of Money, zbog proturječja likvidnosti ne može – u kreiranju i održanju novčanog sustava – izbjeći uloga društvenih, izvantržišnih faktora, uz ostalo i prava. Kako mnogi autori zaključuju da je i zajednička europska valuta koncipirana po uzoru na zlatni standard (robni novac), slijedi da i uspjeh njezina dizajna i funkcioniranja ne može biti prepušten samo tržišnom mehanizmu, nego ovisi o društvenoj, političkoj i pravnoj potpori. ; The paper describes money as a legal phenomenon, which means that stakeholders use money to allocate resources and manage social relations. In this understanding money creates markets and not vice versa. The system of money creation called free minting, which was common in England from the 12th to the 14th century, is described. Three constraints of commodity money are explained and the nominalism – metalism dilemma is analysed. The focus of the analysis is on Gresham's law and the problem of liquidity of commodity money. The similarity between medieval commodity money and a modern concept of commodity money in the book The Denationalization of Money by Friedrich von Hayek is shown. The conclusion is that the market mechanism cannot solve the problem of liquidity without social agents not included in the market exchange. Since the common European currency is to some degree similar to the gold standard, the same conclusion works for the euro.

U članku se uspoređuju politike povijesti Drugoga svjetskog rata u Estoniji i Hrvatskoj poslije državnog osamostaljenja. Pokazujući kako su estonski i hrvatski nacionalno-integracijski procesi dominantno bili obilježeni "potragom" za samostalnom državom, temeljna je teza članka da revizionističko sjećanje na estonske i hrvatske osovinske borce kao na "borce za naciju i državu" opstaje zbog isključivog shvaćanja Sovjetskog Saveza i Jugoslavije kao velikoruske odnosno velikosrpske "tamnice" estonskoga i hrvatskog naroda. Iako službeno sjećanje u objema zemljama ističe europsko antifašističko nasljeđe, oklijevanje vlasti u odmicanju od ekskluzivističkih državotvornih politika povijesti potiče pozitivnu interpretaciju estonskoga i hrvatskog fašizma. Autori zaključno prikazuju razlike među dvjema zemljama te upućuju na pogubnost aktualnih europskih politika spram totalitarizma kao obrasca suočavanja s Drugim svjetskim ratom, a koje Estoniju i Hrvatsku još više udaljuju od suočavanja s prošlošću. ; This article offers a comparison of the politics of history of WWII in Estonia and in Croatia after their independence. Following an introduction demonstrating how Estonian and Croatian national integrative processes were predominantly marked by their "pursuit" of independency, the main thesis is exposed – that the revisionist memory of Estonian and Croatian Axis fighters as "fighters for the nation and the state" has survived primarily due to the exclusivist understanding of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as the Greater-Russian or Greater-Serbian "dungeons" of Estonian and Croatian people, respectively. Although the official historical memory in both countries highlights the European anti-fascist heritage, the authorities' reluctance to move away from the exclusive statehood politics of history serves to promote a positive interpretation of Estonian and Croatian fascism. The authors in conclusion depict the differences between the two countries and warn of the fatal consequences of the current European policies towards totalitarianism as a pattern for dealing with World War II, which are pushing Estonia and Croatia further away from facing the past.

Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.

Europa za građane je centralizirani program Unije, manje financijske omotnice, s time i manje vidljivosti; jedini koji postavlja građane kao ciljanu skupinu, a usmjeren prvenstveno na neprofitne organizacije i JLPS-e kao prijavitelje. Teme koje čine ovaj Program, zbog trenutnog političkog konteksta, EK ih je prepoznala kao vrlo važne za budućnost Unije - aktivno europsko građanstvo, promicanje europskog identiteta kroz demokratski angažman i građansko sudjelovanje na razini Unije, njegovanje europskog sjećanja i zajedničke europske povijesti te one nisu prisutne niti u jednom drugom financijskom instrumentu u EU. U radu je analizirano da li razvijenost županija prema revidiranom indeksu razvijenosti utječe na prijavu na centralizirane programe Unije na primjeru programa Europa za građane u petogodišnjem periodu od 2014.-2018. godine i da li se može doći do zaključka da li hrvatski prijavitelji ovaj Program smatraju relevantnim. Tema je neistražena i sadrži relevantne podatke koji nisu javno dostupni i mogu poslužiti za neka druga istraživanja ili produbljivanje postojećeg nakon što se završi višegodišnje financijsko razdoblje 2014.-2020. ; Europe for Citizens is a centralized Union program, with a smaller budget and thus less visibility; the only one that sets citizens as a target group and targets primarily non-profit organizations and local governments as applicants. Due to the current political context, the topics that are covered within this program, the European Commission has recognized as very important for the future of the Union - active European citizenship, promotion of European identity through democratic engagement and civic participation at Union level, nurturing European memory and common European history and these topics are not covered in any other financial instrument in the EU. The paper analyses whether the development index in of counties affects the application for centralized Union programs on the example of the Europe for Citizens program in the five-year period from 2014-2018 and whether ...

U radu se obrađuju emisije optjecajnog kovinskog novca država članica Europske unije koje koriste nacionalni novac kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja (države članice s odstupanjem) sa aspekta utjecaja tih okolnosti na obvezu uvođenja zajedničke valute. Godine 2021. to su Bugarska, Češka, Danska, Hrvatska, Mađarska, Poljska, Rumunjska i Švedska. Prema Ugovoru o osnivanju Europske unije države članice ove asocijacije su obvezne (uz dvije iznimke) uvesti zajedničku valutu Unije - euro u trenutku kada ispune uvjete za to. Ovakvo uređenje novčanog suvereniteta u Europskoj uniji implicira da u ovoj zajednici sada postoji devet različitih valutnih područja. Jedno, ujedno i najveće novčano područje je eurozona sa zajedničkom valutom i čini ga devetnaest država članica Unije te osam novčanih područja (država) s nacionalnom valutom. Države članice s odstupanjem su dužne ispunjavati svoje obveze u odnosu na ostvarenje ekonomske i monetarne unije kao najvišeg stupnja integracije. Ove aktivnosti su predmet valorizacije najmanje svake dvije godine ili po zahtjevu države članice s odstupanjem. Novčana rješenja u segmentu optjecajnog kovinskog novca u državama Europske unije sa nacionalnim novcem su različita i drukčija od uređenja u eurozoni. Prije svega se to odnosi na gospodarenje ovim novcem, ali i numizmatičkim aspektima njihovih izdanja kao i tradicijom u pojedinim sredinama. Stoga ovakvo stanje ima i utjecaj na proces uvođenja zajedničkog novca u tim državama. Zajednički optjecajni kovinski novac u Europskoj uniji je euro i njegov stoti dio euro cent. Ovaj je novac zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na području svih država koje su ga prihvatile i one čine eurozonu. Svaka država emitent ovoga novca samostalno uređuje njegov avers dok je revers zajednički. Optjecajni kovinski novac, unatoč činjenici da bezgotovinska plaćanja postaju sve zastupljenija, i dalje, posebno u nekim sredinama, je izuzetno prisutan i značajan novčani oblik. Kroz analizu veličine apoenskog niza emisija optjecajnog kovinskog novca u svakoj državi koja koristi nacionalnu valutu, materijala koji se koristi u njihovoj izradi, vremenu puštanja ovih apoena u optjecaj te njihovoj kupovnoj snazi zaključuje se o monetarnim politikama u segmentu optjecajnog novca ovih država i odrazu istih na prihvaćanje zajedničkog novca. U radu se daje prikaz značajnijih novčanih unija u povijesti te osnovne specifičnosti novčanih rješenja u Europskoj uniji. ; The article addresses the issue of circulating coins of the EU member states that use their national currency as legal tender (member states with a derogation), from the aspect of how these circumstances affect the obligation to introduce the common currency. In 2021, these were Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and Sweden. In accordance with the Founding Treaties of the EU, the member states of this association have the obligation (with two exceptions) to introduce the common EU currency – the euro, at the moment when they meet conditions to do so. This way of regulating EU monetary sovereignty implies that this community at present has nine different currency areas. The largest currency region is the Eurozone with a common currency, and it consists of nineteen EU member states, and there are also eight currency regions (states) that use their national currencies. The member states with a derogation have the obligation to fulfil their commitments with respect to joining the economic and monetary union as the highest level of integration. These activities are evaluated at least every two years, or on demand of a member state with derogation. The monetary solutions concerning the circulating coins in the EU states with national currency are different from the regulation in the Eurozone. In the first place this refers to managing this currency, but also to numismatic aspects of their issuing and the tradition of particular countries. This state of affairs also influences the process of introducing the common currency in these countries. The common circulating coins in the EU are the euro and its hundredth part, the euro cent. This currency is legal tender in all the states that introduced it and they make up the Eurozone. Each country that issued these coins independently regulated their obverse, while the reverse is common. The circulating coins are still, although noncash payment is increasing, a very present and important form of payment, especially in some communities. Through analysing the denominations of the currency in each state that uses the national currency, the material used to produce it, the time when these denominations were issued and their market value, the author concludes about the monetary policies concerning the circulating currency in these states and how they will be reflected on accepting the common currency. The article also gives a survey of the more important monetary unions in history and the basic specifics of the monetary solutions in the EU.

Područje srednje Europe kroz svoje burne povijesne mijene, pomicanja državnih granica, ratove, podjele i povezivanja, u književnosti najsnažnije bilježi, naravno, dva svjetska rata. Uzajamna recepcija savezničkih i protivničkih književnosti mijenjala se prema političkim stranama, savezima i suprotstavljenim blokovima da bi ponovno naizgled bila ujednačena unutar Europske unije. Međutim, Hrvatska je jedina srednjoeuropska zemlja koja je i u bližoj povijesti doživjela velik i težak rat ponovno zabilježen i u književnosti, ali i u horizontu očekivanja i književnoj recepciji srednjoeuropske književne publike zatečene pojavom rata u neposrednom susjedstvu. Ovaj rad pokazuje promjenu književne recepcije istražene analizom sadržaja internetskih stranica pojedinih srednjoeuropskih zemalja, a dobivene rezultate stavlja u kontekst povijesnoga nasljeđa i nacionalnih interaktivnosti. ; The area of Central Europe through its turbulent historical changes, shifting of national borders, wars, divisions and connections, marks the strongest record in literature of the two world wars, of course. Mutual reception of allied and opposing literatures was changing according to political parties, alliances and opposing blocks in order to again be apparently uniformed within the European Union. However, Croatia is the only Central European country which has experienced a big and difficult war in its recent history which was re-recorded in literature as well, but also in the horizon of expectations and literary reception of the Central European literary audience which was caught unprepared by the occurence of war in the immediate neighbourhood. This paper shows the change of literary reception researched through the analysis of the website contents of certain Central European countries, while the given results are put in the context of the historical heritage and national interactivity.

Whilst completing the largest enlargement round in its history, European Union faced the need to define both its identity & nature & limits of its future borders. In the aftermath of the failed constitutional referenda & suspension of the ratification process, the pace of future enlargement will inevitably slow down. This has already been the case with the East European countries during the 1990s, whose membership perspective was overclouded by Union's internal issues. Expansion of the EU will undoubtedly continue, but its present absorption capacity has reached endpoint. The chance for the institutional reform, through which future enlargement would keep momentum, has been discarded together with the rejection of Constitutional Treaty. The main issue of todays EU's relations with immediate neighbourhood is the way to ensure democratic consolidation & Europeanisation of these states in absence of the full membership perspective. Upon that European Neighbourhood Policy was envisaged, through which EU offers "everything, but institutions.". References. Adapted from the source document.

Empirically different (multicultural) Europeans are linked by means of two familiar & historically well-drilled programmatic scripts: the first one is logical-grammatical & the second scientific-technical. The first enables them to express their irreducible empirical differences in the form of a universally comprehensible logical argument that can be democratically decided upon, the second enables them to level all differences by the power of scientific & technical imperatives that disregard the logical & the democratic argument, Eurocracy & Eurotechnocracy operate with calculated scientific algorithms, European citizens & Euro-optimists & Euro-pessimists with analogies of everyday speech & its logical arguments. The communication among the proponents of these two programmatic scripts, among the different media & the different sources of power can be achieved solely by means of translation. However, translation is never going to be completely & totally faithful since the media are incommensurable; hence, mutually selectively it follows that Tertium non datur, or everybody speaks in their own languages heard by all but understood by none, hence the moral: Nenzo contra Europae nisi Europa ipse. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.