Suchergebnisse

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...

Europsko je vijeće u lipnju 2000. godine utvrdilo da Hrvatska ispunjava uvjete za potencijalnoga kandidata za članstvo u Europskoj uniji (EU). Integracijski proces usmjeren prema kandidaturi i punopravnom članstvu u EU-u postaje otada temeljnom hrvatskom "državnom strategijom" i vanjskopolitičkim ciljem, razvijajući se "različitim brzinama" i s različitim stupnjevima uspješnosti na putu prema očekivanom krajnjem cilju. Istraživačko pitanje vezano je uz identifi kaciju i opis djelovanja glavnih vanjskih i unutrašnjih aktera (hrvatskih vlada i Europske unije) u tom procesu te uz procjenu ostvarenih rezultata njihova međudjelovanja u promatranom šestogodišnjem razdoblju. Empirijski istražen fenomen analizira se teorijskim pristupom akterski usmjerenog institucionalizma i modelom teorije igara.Rezultat analize pokazuje komparativnu prednost menadžmenta jednostranačke vlade Ive Sanadera (2003-2005) pred koalicijskom vladom Ivice Račana (2000-2003) u rezultatu i uspješnosti vođenja integracijskoga procesa za pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji. Doprinos i kvaliteta podrške Europske unije tom procesu višeznačna je, kao što su višeznačni i kompleksni njezin ustroj i politika. ; In June 2000, the European Council established that Croatia fulfi lled the conditions for acquiring the status of potential candidate for membership in the European Union.Thereafter, the integration process aimed at the candidature for, and subsequent full membership in the EU has been the fundamental Croatian "governmental strategy" and foreign policy goal, developing with "diff erent speeds" and diff erent levels of success towards the fi nal expected goal. Research is focused on the identifi cation and description of actions of the major foreign and internal actors in the process (Croatian governments and the European Union), as well as on the assessment of the achieved results of their interaction in the sixyear period under observation. The empirically studied phenomenon is analysed through the theoretical approach of actor-based ...

Ovaj naslov podsjeća neminovno na ljudska prava i kao da inzistira na nekom novom pravu čovjeka i građanina, poput npr. "prava na vodu", koje je bilo predmetom građanske zakonotvorne inicijative prošle godine pred Europskom komisijom. Pravo na "dobru javnu upravu" često se poistovjećuje s pravom na "dobro upravljanje", pa će stoga u uvodnom dijelu biti potrebno razjasniti razliku između tih dvaju pojmova, te se potom pozabaviti "dobrom javnom upravom", njezinim načelima i deontologijom u dvjema europskim integracijama – članice koje su i Hrvatska i Francuska – a to su, najprije ona starija, politička integracija Vijeća Europe, a zatim i ona malo mlađa, još uvijek pretežito ekonomska integracija, a to je Europska unija. Promotrimo stoga najprije što ta dva pojma znače u međunarodnim organizacijama, a što na internom planu demokratskih država. ; This title inevitably makes us think of human rights as if it is insisting on some new human and citizen rights such as for example "the right to water", which was the subject of a civil law creating initiative last year before the European Commission. The right to "good public administration "is often identified with the right to "good management". So, in the introduction it will be necessary to differentiate between these two concepts. Then "good public administration "will be dealt with; its principles and deontology in two European integrations or member states who are Croatia and France. These are primarily the old political integration of the European Council and then the more recent ones mainly including economic integration which is the European Union. Therefore, these two concepts will firstly be observed as to their definition in international organisations and in the internal plan of democratic states.

Budućnost Zapadnog Balkana u svjetlu evropske integracije umnogome počiva na nizu različitih faktora koji nijesu dominantno i jedino vezani za same države ovog regiona. Iako sam proces integracije u EU presudno zavisi od spremnosti i sposobnosti država kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata da sprovedu sve potrebne reforme, transponuju pravnu tekovinu i ostvare tzv. evropski standard u zakonodavstvu i u praksi, on se ne odvija u vakuumu. Prije svega treba imati na umu da će razvoj situacije unutar Evropske unije imati značajnog uticaja na brzinu, dubinu i kvalitet ulaska preostalih balkanskih zemalja u Uniju. Evropska unija odnosno njezine države članice su te koje određuju i postavljaju pravila, te i snose najveću odgovornost za politiku proširenja. Pored toga ne smiju se zanemariti ni uticaji trećih strana koji su sve primjetniji i akutniji u regionu. Usporavanje reformi, evropsko upravljanje krizama, pojačana ili slabija uloga trećih aktera, sve to će bitno odrediti kakav proces evrointegracije predstoji u narednim godinama te, u skladu s time, i način na koji će on uticati na stabilnost i budućnost samih zemalja proširenja. U tom smislu, Zapadni Balkan istovremeno živi u promjenljivim stvarnostima koje donose različite ishode i mogućnosti. Ovaj članak, pored pregleda stanja na Zapadnom Balkanu, stoga daje i moguće scenarije za budući period. ; This article deals with the future of the Western Balkans in the light of a number of different factors that are not solely and purely connected to the countries of the region. Although the very process of integration into the EU is predominantly dependant on the readiness and the ability of the candidate and potential candidate countries to implement all the needed reforms, transpose the acquis and achieve the so-called European standard in legislation and in practice, the process is not being conducted in a vacuum. First of all, we should bear in mind that the development of the situation within the EU shall have crucial impact on the speed, depth and quality of the entrance of the remaining Balkan countries into the Union. Apart from that, we cannot ignore the influences of the third actors, which have become more visible and acute in the region. The EU and its Member States are the ones that define and set up the rules, therefore they bear most of the responsibility for the Enlargement Policy. Laggardness in reforms, EU crisis management, a stronger or weaker role of the third actors – all this shall determine what kind of process of European integration we shall have in the next years, and in line with it, the manner in which the process shall influence the stability and future of the enlargement countries. In this context, the Western Balkans simultaneously lives in variable realities that bring different outcomes and possibilities. This article, apart from the presentation of the situation in the Western Balkans, offers possible scenarios for the future.

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

U radu se, korištenjem konstruktivističkog pristupa Alexandera Wendta, analiziraju razlozi za nastanak europskih integracija s obzirom na neriješeno njemačko pitanje. Pritom se koristi model odnosa identiteta i interesa kako bi se analiziralo ponašanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskoga Saveza u razdoblju od 1945. do 1990. s obzirom na nastanak hladnoga rata, europskih integracija i rješavanje njemačkoga pitanja. Također se analizira odnos identiteta i interesa dviju njemačkih država prema njihovom budućem ujedinjenju. Polazeći od Giddensove teorije strukturacije, na koju se naslanja Wendtov konstruktivizam, prati se ponašanje države kao agenta u odnosu prema anarhiji kao strukturi međunarodnog sustava. U članku se propituje pretpostavka da je neriješeno njemačko pitanje ubrzalo, ali i uvjetovalo nastanak europskih integracija. Na kraju članka analizira se utjecaj politike detanta i njezinih posljedica na njemačko ujedinjenje. ; In this article, Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach was used in order to explain the reasons for the formation of European integrations in regard to the unresolved German Question. The model of interaction between identities and interests was used in order to analyse the behaviour of two superpowers between 1945 and 1990, in relation to the following developments: the Cold War, European integrations, and German unification. The behaviour of two German states regarding their future unification was also observed. The state was used as the basic unit of analysis. As theoretical foundation, Wendt's constructivist approach, which rests on Giddens' theory of structuration, was used in order to explain duality of structure and agency in relation to reproduction or transformation of the (international) system. The assumption that the unresolved German Question not only accelerated but also conditioned the emergence of European integrations, was put under scrutiny. It was also analysed how the emergence of the policy of detente conditioned the changes in international relations during the observed period, particularly in regard to ideational factors such as the results of the Conference on European Security and Co operation, West German Ostpolitik, and the appearance of new ideas in the former Soviet Union, as well as their role in the unification of two German states in 1990.

In analyzing regional economic integration in Europe the authors pay special attention to the development in the European Union, for other forms of regional or subregional integration at the continent are in fact mostly transitional & provisional, & directly connected with ED. The authors argue that in spite of considerable success & high level of integration of the EU, several important open issues remain in that process. They are results of mixed character of European integration: political & economic. Too many kinds of interests are of opposed character, & it is very hard to harmonize them in real politics. The main problems in the EU have their cause in the nature of European integration: international competitiveness of European economy, social character of European states, national productivity, challenges of enlargement. References. Adapted from the source document.

In the text the author discusses the problem of the European identity -- which emerged in the earlier stage of the process of European integration -- from the perspective of the discourse theory. This approach was overlooked in the early stages of the development of the European studies, in which the economistic approach emphasizing only the economic benefits of the European integration prevailed; today, however, the European identity issue is one of the central questions, & the success of the process of the European integration depends on. The question of the European identity has for a long time been identified with the concept of "Europe's positive public image" appealing to the citizens & to the political communities involved in the process of the European integration. The question of the European identity was for the first time systematically elaborated on in an EC document -- the Copenhagen Declaration of 1973 -- & since then the debate on Europe's political & cultural identity has permanently been on the agenda, particularly of the Eurosceptic political movements & ideas. The author looks into the theory of identity from the perspective of the latest contributions, particularly from the perspective of modern social theories, & suggests that the European studies ought to take into consideration the dual nature of the identification, the discursive & the affective, as well as the symbolic & the libidinal. That is why the European studies have to work out how to thwart Euroscepticism & develop the strategies of countering the phenomena such as a lack of pervasive identifications of citizens with Europe. References. Adapted from the source document.

As the newly established nation-state of Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, & institutions to provide for its national security, it does so as a young country in a new Europe & must consider not only its own experiences, principles, & international politics, but also the dynamic environment of the multifaceted proposals & efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally & on the international level, & also for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration & join NATO & the European Union. Adapted from the source document.

Ideja o nastanku jedne zajednice koja bi obuhvatila Europu seže daleko u prošlost, ali tek 1950. godine nastaju prvi koraci ka stvaranju Europske unije. Velika razaranja u ratovima nametnula su razmišljanja o tome kako nadići antagonizme među europskim državama. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, europske države shvaćaju da imaju zajedničke probleme i odlučuju se dobrovoljno udružiti u zajednicu kako bi stvorile bolju budućnost za nadolazeće generacije. Tako nastaje Europska zajednica za ugljen i čelik, koja se kasnije udružuje s Europskom ekonomskom zajednicom i Europskom zajednicom za atomsku energiju te se od 1993. godine formalno formira Europska unija pod tim nazivom. Sadrži veliki broj članica koje se povećavaju iz dana u dan. Osnovni cilj rada jest prikazati kakva je to zapravo bila ideja o osnivanju zajednica koje bi ujedinile Europu, kako je nastala Europska zajednica te kako se razvijala, prikazati ciljeve EU-a, kakve je promjene donijela u Europi te je li ispunila svoj prvobitni i najznačajniji cilj, a to je ujedinjenje Europe. ; The European Union represents the most significant segment of the European integration. The idea about its formation and the formation itself have a long history. In 1950, the French Foreign Minister – Robert Schuman, motivated by the need of establishing peace, presented a project as the beginning of the European federalization process or more clearly as the first step towards the European Federation. Under this influence, in 1952¸ European Coal and Steel Community was established. In the upcoming years, two more communities were founded – European Economic Community and European Community for Atomic Energy. The result of the cooperation and integration of these two communities is the European Union. Formally, it is established on the 1st of November, 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty. European Union is the result of a discussion on building the everlasting peace in this region. It was created as a consequence of fear from the internal and foreign threats to the safety of Europe. The main goals of the European integrations are: encouraging the balanced and tenable economic development; to confirm its identity on the international scene, especially by spreading common foreign and secure politics; to strengthen the protection of rights and interests of the citizens of its members by the introduction of the rights of Union citizenship; to develop a close cooperation in the field of judiciary and internal affairs. Political activities of the European Union can be seen in different spheres – from the health care and economics to the foreign affairs and defence politics. Depending on the development of every country individually, the organization of the European Union differs on different fields. European Union, as the organization that unites Europe and that represents an important segment in development of the international cooperation and the peacekeeping, has become a subject of a study and research of the international historiography. Today, the establishment and development of the European Union are being studied greatly, but also is a question whether it shows some indications of its disruption and disadvantages that could be the reasons of the EU falling apart. Therefore, thanks to many authors, a lot of work exists that talks about this. Is EU going to fall apart in the future - remains the question for which we will be able to find an answer only in days ahead of us.

The author distinguishes four levels of integration: regional, national, European, & global. The identity issue occurs at the national & European levels. National identities are subject to constant change, particularly in Europe, dominated by the processes of integration & globalization. Today, the new identities of European states emerge from "the vertical confrontation" (with the "higher order" identity), & not from the "horizontal relations" with other nations. Culture is essential in the development of a common European identity. The new European identity is not going to isolate Europe from the rest of the world. As a matter of fact, the European integration is but a single step in the direction of the global integration, & European identity a stage in achieving the fourth identity level.

The author analyzes recent Habermas' writings on the process of European integration & the new international political order. Having for a long time ignored the issues of foreign policy, in his recent works & speeches Habermas has increasingly turned to these topics. The supranational level is becoming important both due to the more severe limitations to state sovereignty in the process of globalization, & because of the development of new mechanisms of international cooperation & the new regional economic-political integrations. In his theory of democracy at the national level, he emphasizes its deliberative character & shows public communication as the central sphere of mediation between the informal (private) opinions & the institutions of the formation of political will. However, today it is necessary to go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state & establish the parallel mechanisms of political deliberation & decision-making at the international level. The most important step in that direction are regional integrations (in Europe, naturally, it is the European Union). The regional integrations must supplement the UN institutions to compensate for the loss of the ability to govern at the national level & to create a counterbalance to global capitalism. In this context it is important to get the answers to a certain crisis of the EU identity. The European Union today is often seen as a mechanism of bureaucratic management & restrictive regulation, instead of as a guarantor of good life. Habermas thinks that Europe should focus on the guarantees of fundamental rights & values such as the right to education, social justice, autonomy & participation. For that purpose, the European Union should develop into a federal state. To the Euro-skeptical objection that Europe lacks a state-building nation i.e a unified nation as the foundation of political community, Habermas responds that the European civil sodety, European public & the common political culture -- if, indeed, they can be built -- are sufficient for Europe's political unity. The process of designing & adopting the European Constitution has strengthened all three components. The Constitution also helps to explain the objectives of the European integration (boundaries of EU's expansion, interrelationship among levels of goverment) & to enhance legitimacy by creating a fundamental legal act, its the design of which European citizens are involved. For Habermas, the crisis of European unity caused by the disunity of the member-countries' governments over the American war in Iraq is an opportunity. The mobilization of the European civil society against that war (as demonstrated by the pan-European peace demonstrations of 15 February 2003) & the creation of the model of the procedurally well-ordered international politics & cooperation which boosts economic development & social security serve as the counterbalance to the American unilateralism & the aspiration for domination. Habermas supports the model of "multispeed Europe" & thinks that it will not cause a rift in the EU, but can as a matter of fact dynamize the process of European integration. The author concludes that Habermas' political views of the European integration & international politics contain a remarkable dose of utopism. However, the attempt to see beyond the limitations of the existing political reality is a must if these limitations are to be overcome. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents a view of the European Community with regard to the European Union's stance toward new democracies in Eastern Europe. The original principles of European integration include a relatively simple procedure for new membership, but in the process of developing, adopting, & accepting the Maastricht treaty the entry requirements have been severely sharpened for potential new members. These conditions include the general attachment to the European identity, democratic government, & respect for human rights. For new eastern European democracies, a probationary membership status in the European Union was created in the form of the European Agreement, which contains very special conditions & progressive privileges for economic cooperation with the Union. Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, & Slovenia have been included in the European Agreement. The author concludes that this fact will make it harder for other countries to deal with the Union. Adapted from the source document.