Suchergebnisse

The title of this research paper is "The Europeanization Model of Political Parties: Europeanization Level Study of Relevant Lithuanian Political Parties." The object of research is the europeanization of political parties. The review of the literature gives the impression that the theory of europeanization of political parties is not fully defined and precisely formulated, because there are many variations of the theory. The aim of the research is to supplement the theory of europeanization of political parties by presenting a two level research model of the level of europeanization of political parties. The theory is reconstructed. The main focus of the work is on testing the theoretical model. In this work, 3 main tasks are identified. First of all, to identify the shortcomings of the theories of europeanization of political parties. Second, to develop a hypothetical model to identify the level of europeanization level. It could be a minimum, medium, high positive or negative europeanization. Third, to test the formed hypothetical research model of europeanization of political parties by analyzing the Lithuanian parties, which was selected according to the established criteria of the relevant parties. To diagnose the level of europeanization of the selected political parties. A chosen europeanization level model consists of the following parts. First of all, it is necessary to evaluate how the party speaks about the powers and ways of functioning of the European Union's (EU) institutions. This category is called the EU institutions. Second, The information about parties opinion about the EU policy of exclusive, shared, supporting, special competences must be evaluated. Perhaps the party is referring to policy which are not currently exclusively regulated in the EU. Perhaps the party is proposing to transfer specific areas of national policy over to the state for an EU decision, and perhaps vice versa. Third, It is necessary to assess the context in which the party refers to various sociological data and other statistics of the EU Member States. Fourth, it is important to understand the relationship that a national party has with a transnational European party. The international party communication can lead to changes in national policies. This study illustrates the effectiveness of the model. The study presents the current actual level of europeanization of 7 Lithuanian political parties, but does not examine the historical change in the level of europeanization. For further research, studies on changes in the level of Europeanisation could be recommended, e.g. comparing the attitudes of political parties before and after Lithuania's accession to the EU. In this way, the historical change in the Europeanisation of political parties could be traced.

The title of this research paper is "The Europeanization Model of Political Parties: Europeanization Level Study of Relevant Lithuanian Political Parties." The object of research is the europeanization of political parties. The review of the literature gives the impression that the theory of europeanization of political parties is not fully defined and precisely formulated, because there are many variations of the theory. The aim of the research is to supplement the theory of europeanization of political parties by presenting a two level research model of the level of europeanization of political parties. The theory is reconstructed. The main focus of the work is on testing the theoretical model. In this work, 3 main tasks are identified. First of all, to identify the shortcomings of the theories of europeanization of political parties. Second, to develop a hypothetical model to identify the level of europeanization level. It could be a minimum, medium, high positive or negative europeanization. Third, to test the formed hypothetical research model of europeanization of political parties by analyzing the Lithuanian parties, which was selected according to the established criteria of the relevant parties. To diagnose the level of europeanization of the selected political parties. A chosen europeanization level model consists of the following parts. First of all, it is necessary to evaluate how the party speaks about the powers and ways of functioning of the European Union's (EU) institutions. This category is called the EU institutions. Second, The information about parties opinion about the EU policy of exclusive, shared, supporting, special competences must be evaluated. Perhaps the party is referring to policy which are not currently exclusively regulated in the EU. Perhaps the party is proposing to transfer specific areas of national policy over to the state for an EU decision, and perhaps vice versa. Third, It is necessary to assess the context in which the party refers to various sociological data and other statistics of the EU Member States. Fourth, it is important to understand the relationship that a national party has with a transnational European party. The international party communication can lead to changes in national policies. This study illustrates the effectiveness of the model. The study presents the current actual level of europeanization of 7 Lithuanian political parties, but does not examine the historical change in the level of europeanization. For further research, studies on changes in the level of Europeanisation could be recommended, e.g. comparing the attitudes of political parties before and after Lithuania's accession to the EU. In this way, the historical change in the Europeanisation of political parties could be traced.

The title of this research paper is "The Europeanization Model of Political Parties: Europeanization Level Study of Relevant Lithuanian Political Parties." The object of research is the europeanization of political parties. The review of the literature gives the impression that the theory of europeanization of political parties is not fully defined and precisely formulated, because there are many variations of the theory. The aim of the research is to supplement the theory of europeanization of political parties by presenting a two level research model of the level of europeanization of political parties. The theory is reconstructed. The main focus of the work is on testing the theoretical model. In this work, 3 main tasks are identified. First of all, to identify the shortcomings of the theories of europeanization of political parties. Second, to develop a hypothetical model to identify the level of europeanization level. It could be a minimum, medium, high positive or negative europeanization. Third, to test the formed hypothetical research model of europeanization of political parties by analyzing the Lithuanian parties, which was selected according to the established criteria of the relevant parties. To diagnose the level of europeanization of the selected political parties. A chosen europeanization level model consists of the following parts. First of all, it is necessary to evaluate how the party speaks about the powers and ways of functioning of the European Union's (EU) institutions. This category is called the EU institutions. Second, The information about parties opinion about the EU policy of exclusive, shared, supporting, special competences must be evaluated. Perhaps the party is referring to policy which are not currently exclusively regulated in the EU. Perhaps the party is proposing to transfer specific areas of national policy over to the state for an EU decision, and perhaps vice versa. Third, It is necessary to assess the context in which the party refers to various sociological data and other statistics of the EU Member States. Fourth, it is important to understand the relationship that a national party has with a transnational European party. The international party communication can lead to changes in national policies. This study illustrates the effectiveness of the model. The study presents the current actual level of europeanization of 7 Lithuanian political parties, but does not examine the historical change in the level of europeanization. For further research, studies on changes in the level of Europeanisation could be recommended, e.g. comparing the attitudes of political parties before and after Lithuania's accession to the EU. In this way, the historical change in the Europeanisation of political parties could be traced.

The title of this research paper is "The Europeanization Model of Political Parties: Europeanization Level Study of Relevant Lithuanian Political Parties." The object of research is the europeanization of political parties. The review of the literature gives the impression that the theory of europeanization of political parties is not fully defined and precisely formulated, because there are many variations of the theory. The aim of the research is to supplement the theory of europeanization of political parties by presenting a two level research model of the level of europeanization of political parties. The theory is reconstructed. The main focus of the work is on testing the theoretical model. In this work, 3 main tasks are identified. First of all, to identify the shortcomings of the theories of europeanization of political parties. Second, to develop a hypothetical model to identify the level of europeanization level. It could be a minimum, medium, high positive or negative europeanization. Third, to test the formed hypothetical research model of europeanization of political parties by analyzing the Lithuanian parties, which was selected according to the established criteria of the relevant parties. To diagnose the level of europeanization of the selected political parties. A chosen europeanization level model consists of the following parts. First of all, it is necessary to evaluate how the party speaks about the powers and ways of functioning of the European Union's (EU) institutions. This category is called the EU institutions. Second, The information about parties opinion about the EU policy of exclusive, shared, supporting, special competences must be evaluated. Perhaps the party is referring to policy which are not currently exclusively regulated in the EU. Perhaps the party is proposing to transfer specific areas of national policy over to the state for an EU decision, and perhaps vice versa. Third, It is necessary to assess the context in which the party refers to various sociological data and other statistics of the EU Member States. Fourth, it is important to understand the relationship that a national party has with a transnational European party. The international party communication can lead to changes in national policies. This study illustrates the effectiveness of the model. The study presents the current actual level of europeanization of 7 Lithuanian political parties, but does not examine the historical change in the level of europeanization. For further research, studies on changes in the level of Europeanisation could be recommended, e.g. comparing the attitudes of political parties before and after Lithuania's accession to the EU. In this way, the historical change in the Europeanisation of political parties could be traced.

Democratisation and Europeanisation of Post-socialist states can be regarded as long-lasting and complex processes. Mainly because of fragmented development of statehood and subordination to external states with distinct nature, post-communist states face transformations which are marked with much wider capacity than classical transitologists expected them to be. According to the emerged situation, it enforces to take more accurate glance at the very specific nature of the post-communist state. The case of Moldova democratisation and europeanization perfectly suits these analytical aspirations. First of all, very weak background of Moldovan state determines emergence of distinct opinions about particular historical-cultural artifacts, statehood and possible trajectories of further state development. Division of opinions not only fragments approach towards national identity, but also exacerbates democratisation and europeanisation processes. Secondly, Moldova lacks not only the experience with statehood, but also faces political and normative heritage of ancient regimes. Because of that there are certain problems of implementing democratic values in Moldova. It means struggle with widespread corruption, as well as with the Soviet-style methods and practices. Namely the legacy of the Soviet system, such as a politically passive and apathetic population, authoritarian political aspirations shading with the formal mechanisms of democracy, the weak and poor democratic political culture - all of this undermines the country's democratisation and its European ambitions. Thirdly, Moldova is small post-soviet country, which geopolitically stands in the core of intersection between European Union and Russian interests. Because of that Moldova has to balance between two structural powers and respectively to design its further development path. Thus, the development of Moldova's democratisation and europeanisation is crucially dependent on two competing subjects, namely European Union and Russia, and their capacity to influence Moldova's political processes. In the context of transitology approach case study of Moldova reveals that internal design and external orientation of post-soviet state strongly depends on both, internal and external dynamics. Thus, post-communist transition can be regarded as much more complicated comparing with scholarly efforts to conceptualize transition processes that took place in Latin America or Southern Europe.

In the last decades, the world has been facing important and rapid changes of global climate and other aspects of environment. In response to this, countries are adopting climate change laws and other environmental regulations, which are causing huge social tensions and involvement of lobby groups. Lithuanian environmental interest groups are increasingly influenced by Europeanization and a parallel process of institutionalization. Interestingly, Lithuania already accepted a Law on Lobbying Activities in 2000 and became a pioneer in Europe. The UK case is significant, because they have introduced the Climate Change Act 2008 and, due to high pressure from different interest groups, ENGOs and corporate sector. The aim of the article is to examine the main factors and determinants that influence legal environmental regulation as a consequence of lobbying in Lithuania and the UK. The analysis examines lobby effectiveness as the difference among interests groups policy preferences (before lobbying), proposed policy (after lobbying) and the general outcome of prominent cases. The results indicate that the ability of groups to influence decision making process varies with the policy issues.

#e article analyses the justice sector reforms in Moldova. Tracing of reform process in Moldova, combined with the insights of europeanization theories and theories of legal sector reforms, was applied for the identiƒcation of the mechanism, which explains, why the reform was not successful in Moldova. #e main conclusions of the article are: First, to be successful, reform, aimed at the establishment of the rule of law, should include such measures as the establishment of e"ective institutions of accountability. #ese institutions would ensure both positive and negative incentives for the transformation of behaviour by main political and legal actors according to the new rules. Second, the reformers take measures to establish the required institutions of accountability if this is instrumentally rational to them. #e rationality of such political decision depends on both internal and external factor. Political instability weakens administrative capabilities to ensure consecutive and coherent implementation of the reform. Further, interaction of political instability with the public dissatisfaction with reform results induces politicians to use reform as an instrument of electoral mobilization, by making promises of fast results and supporting these promises by new initiatives concerning the direction and measures of the reform. #e focus of international donors on quantitative results, pressure to achieve results as soon as possible and liberal attitude towards various o"ences by pro-democratic elite do not motivate reformers to aim at the consistent implementation of the reform, either

#e article analyses the justice sector reforms in Moldova. Tracing of reform process in Moldova, combined with the insights of europeanization theories and theories of legal sector reforms, was applied for the identiƒcation of the mechanism, which explains, why the reform was not successful in Moldova. #e main conclusions of the article are: First, to be successful, reform, aimed at the establishment of the rule of law, should include such measures as the establishment of e"ective institutions of accountability. #ese institutions would ensure both positive and negative incentives for the transformation of behaviour by main political and legal actors according to the new rules. Second, the reformers take measures to establish the required institutions of accountability if this is instrumentally rational to them. #e rationality of such political decision depends on both internal and external factor. Political instability weakens administrative capabilities to ensure consecutive and coherent implementation of the reform. Further, interaction of political instability with the public dissatisfaction with reform results induces politicians to use reform as an instrument of electoral mobilization, by making promises of fast results and supporting these promises by new initiatives concerning the direction and measures of the reform. #e focus of international donors on quantitative results, pressure to achieve results as soon as possible and liberal attitude towards various o"ences by pro-democratic elite do not motivate reformers to aim at the consistent implementation of the reform, either

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

This article focuses on the evolution of Polish minority responses to Lithuanian minority policies in the post-EU-accession period. State-minority conflicts in Lithuania have not generated violence or minority radicalization, despite continuing discontent among members of the state's Polish minority (which constitutes Lithuania's largest ethnic minority population) and the failure of the Lithuanian state to resolve the causes of discontent. Employing Smooha's concept of ethnic democracy, the article addresses this puzzle through an ethnographic exploration of the views held by members of the Polish minority about the Lithuanian state's policies of nation-building. The findings reveal a diverse set of critical perceptions among Poles in Lithuania, which emphasize the ineffectiveness of state policies in addressing minority needs. However, a shared perception of threat from Russia, generated after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, helps to sustain the regime's stability and its strategy of stalling the resolution of minority concerns.

Straipsnyje pateikiamas konceptualus pagrindas, kuris naudojamas nagrinejant pokycius Lietuvoje per desimt narystes Europos Sajungoje metu. Teigiama, kad, norint juos ivertinti ir paaiskinti, neuztenka naudotis klasikinemis europeizacijos teorijomis. Todel siuloma i europeizacija zvelgti platesniame vystymosi teoriju kontekste. Tokiam prapletimui naudojama Douglasso C. Northo, Johno Josepho Walliso ir Barry R. Weingasto teorija, kuri apibrezia perejima nuo prigimtines valstybes prie atviros prieigos santvarkos ir sio perejimo salygas Paper presents conceptual framework used to assess Europeanization in Lithuania during the last 10 years across the classical to Europeanization literature dimensions of polity, politics and policy. Author argues that because usually consequences of Europeanization are fragmented and hardly possible to generalize, therefore, it is wise to look at the new EU member states, where this impact was concentrated. Author states that Europeanization theory has to be complemented by additional approaches accounting for a domestic change. Therefore, Europeanization is put into a broader development studies. Theory of development produced by Douglass C. North, John Joseph Wallis and Barry R. Weingast serves as a theoretical framework in the research. This developmental approach puts an emphasis on the role of elites, state capture and broader transformation of the society and thus focuses and complements the current theory of Europeanization. It also provides a framework to analyse the issue of corruption and state capture, which is no longer considered as a deviation, but rather as a norm. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.

The article analyzes the genesis of officer education policy in Europe and delineates the major patterns of its development. On the basis of literature analysis, officer education concept is defined and four main officer education models in Europe are distinguished. The article presents an overview of the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) evolution after the World War II (WWII), including three periods of its formation, and identifies the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the European Union (EU). The emergence of the most recent officer education model is examined within the context of the CSDP development and the Europeanization of officer education. The article provides a contextual analysis of four distinct officer education models. Further analysis of officer education paradigms reveals the cyclic nature of officer education policy, thus identifying five main elements fostering officer education policy development. At the end of the article, officer education policy development model is presented.