Suchergebnisse

Draws on personal experience as a European intellectual who has embraced North American academic life to consider differences between Europe & the US & contrast their different, yet not mutually exclusive, definitions of freedom. It is contended that the US version of freedom is the ability to adapt to an exterior & usually economic cause & reap its effects, while Europe defines freedom in the traditions of Greek philosophy & French theory in terms of individual being. The US version is spreading with neoliberal economic globalization, leading some US scholars to express a Europhilia to contest increasing consumerism, positivism, & technologicalization. Many, however, continue to express a Europhobia, rejecting the Frenchification of theory & cultivating a suspicion of psychoanalysis. Against such Europhobia, it is asserted that Europe's definition of freedom should be embraced as fortification against economic liberalism's homogenizing tendencies. E. Blackwell

This research is a case study meant to find out whether the arguments put forward by Szczerbiak and Taggart analyzing Euroscepticism in the party systems of the EU candidate states of Central and Eastern Europe hold true for party-based Euroscepticism in Turkish politics. The primary argument of this article is that the Turkish party system displays many similarities with its Central and Eastern European counterparts despite some differences. In order to test this argument, firstly the nature of Euroscepticism in Turkey and Turkish political parties is clarified. Then, the characteristics of Euroscepticism in Turkish political parties are tested against Szczerbiak and Taggart's hypotheses with respect to the Central and Eastern European candidate countries. Among the propositions tested are the influence of a party's position in the left-right spectrum on the expression of Euroscepticism, the relationship between the level of public Euroscepticism and the level of Euroscepticism in the party-system, the variation between soft-Euroscepticism and hard-Euroscepticism in the candidate and member states of the EU, the correlation between the level of Euroscepticism and the prospect for EU membership, the link between state development and the level of party-based Euroscepticism, and the relationship between public Euroscepticism and party-based Euroscepticism. Keywords: Euroscepticism, Turkey, EU integration and enlargement, political parties (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)

The article argues that the Swedish trade unions were not instrumental in bringing about the Swedish Social Democratic Party's (SAP) decision to apply to the EC for membership on 26 October 1990, despite frequently made claims to the contrary. The trade unions were in fact rather surprised about the SAP turn-around. There had been a change in the position on EC membership within the labour movement after the SAP announcement, but it was anything but unanimous. On the one hand the trade unions of the industrial sector with transnational production structures were in favour, arguing that this was the only way to regain control over transnational capital and international financial markets lost at the national level. On the other hand the unions of the public sector opposed membership, maintaining that accession to the EC undermined the Swedish model with its policies of full employment and generous welfare provisions. The retaining of as many national policy tools as possible would offer a better chance of preserving the Swedish model in times of globalization. Neo-Gramscianism is adopted as the theoretical lens for this analysis, since this allows for account to be taken of the structural changes of globalization within which the debate was placed.

Argues that trade unions were not instrumental in bringing about the decision of the Social Democratic Party (SAP) to apply on Oct. 26, 1990 for membership in the European Communities (EC), now European Union; some focus on opposition from public sector unions and support from industrial unions for EU membership and economic globalization.

While in the last twenty years perceptions of Europe have been subjected to detailed historical scrutiny, American images of the Old World have been almost wantonly neglected. As a response to this scholarly desideratum, this pioneering study analyzes neoconservative images of Europe since the 1970s on the basis of an extensive collection of sources. With fresh insight into the evolution of American images of Europe as well as into the history of U.S. neoconservatism, the book appeals to readers familiar and new to the subject matters alike. The study explores how, beginning in the early 1970s, ideas of the United States as an anti-Europe have permeated neoconservative writing and shaped their self-images and political agitation. The choice of periodization and investigated personnel enables the author to refute popular claims that widespread Euro-critical sentiment in the United Studies during the early 21st century – considerably ignited by neoconservatives – was a distinct post-Cold War phenomenon. Instead, the analysis reveals that the fiery rhetoric in the context of the Iraq War debates was merely the climax of a decade-old development