Suchergebnisse

En los meses finales de 2010 grupos de estudiantes de nivel medio de la provincia de Córdoba ocuparon sus establecimientos. Demandaban mejoras edilicias en escuelas que y también reclamaban mayor participación en la elaboración de una reforma educativa promovida por el Poder Ejecutivo provincial. En este artículo indagamos en base a un estudio de caso sobre los sentidos que diversos grupos le asignaron a la participación y la democracia en el contexto de las ocupaciones y los efectos que estos diversos sentidos tuvieron en la configuración sectorial del conflicto en un establecimiento de nivel medio de la provincia. Si bien los resultados del estudio de caso no pueden generalizarse, al menos permite formular hipótesis sobre la forma en que se estarían transformando los vínculos inter-generacionales y las formas de participación en la escuela media. ; During the final months of 2010, high school students took over their establishments in the province of Córdoba. They demanded improvement in school infrastructure and more participation in the elaboration of a provincial educational reform promoted by the provincial executive power. Based on a case study, this paper investigates the meanings that various groups assigned to participation and democracy in the context of the school take overs and the effects they had in the configuration of internal conflicts within occupied schools. While the results of the case study cannot be generalized, it does provide basis to formulate hypothesis about the way in which intergenerational relationships and participation are currently changing in secondary education.

During the final months of 2010, high school students took over their establishments in the province of Córdoba. They demanded improvement in school infrastructure and more participation in the elaboration of a provincial educational reform promoted by the provincial executive power. Based on a case study, this paper investigates the meanings that various groups assigned to participation and democracy in the context of the school take overs and the effects they had in the configuration of internal conflicts within occupied schools. While the results of the case study cannot be generalized, it does provide basis to formulate hypothesis about the way in which intergenerational relationships and participation are currently changing in secondary education. ; En los meses finales de 2010 grupos de estudiantes de nivel medio de la provincia de Córdoba ocuparon sus establecimientos. Demandaban mejoras edilicias en escuelas que y también reclamaban mayor participación en la elaboración de una reforma educativa promovida por el Poder Ejecutivo provincial. En este artículo indagamos en base a un estudio de caso sobre los sentidos que diversos grupos le asignaron a la participación y la democracia en el contexto de las ocupaciones y los efectos que estos diversos sentidos tuvieron en la configuración sectorial del conflicto en un establecimiento de nivel medio de la provincia. Si bien los resultados del estudio de caso no pueden generalizarse, al menos permite formular hipótesis sobre la forma en que se estarían transformando los vínculos inter-generacionales y las formas de participación en la escuela media.

A mediados de 2008, la decisión del poder ejecutivo local de crear "complejos hospitalarios" en predios de hospitales públicos caracterizados por una estructura arquitectónica pabellonal y espacios verdes ajardinados, puso en crisis la política pública de gestión del patrimonio hospitalario y reabrió en la comunidad escenarios urbanos dispares, en reclamo por sus modos de vida cotidianos, como derecho y estrategia ciudadana. En esta perspectiva, nos proponemos reflexionar sobre la emergencia del conflicto patrimonial y ambiental en torno al espacio verde del hospital público y la dinámica del proceso político, en el marco de una revisión bibliográfica producida por las ciencias sociales, para contextualizar el debate del patrimonio urbano en el campo de la salud. ; In mid 2008, the decision of the local executive power to create "hospital complexes" on grounds of public hospitals characterized by an architectural structure pabellonal and landscaped green spaces, put in crisis management public policy of hospital assets and reopened in the community scenarios disparate urban, demanding for their way of everyday life, such as law and public strategy. In this perspective, we propose to reflect on the emergence of heritage and environmental conflict over the hospital public green space and the dynamics of the political process, in the context of a literature review produced by the social sciences, to contextualize the discussion of urban heritage in the field of health. ; Eje 3: Derecho a la ciudad: mutaciones, recomposiciones, adaptaciones, reformulaciones. ; Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo

This article aims to achieve an understanding of the role of internal communication in public organizations, particularly those related to Brazil's Federal Government, and which are a part of the Executive Power. The starting point was provided by data from a limited sample probe taken at Ministries, State Departments and government authorities headquartered in Brasilia (Federal Capital). The objective is to research whether the trend of organizations to invest and value internal communication, as evidenced by market studies (Brazilian Communication Map, FSB, 2011), is also present in the government authorities of the Federal Capital. This article aims to contribute some considerations to the debate on internal communication in government authorities, within the context of transformations within the Brazilian State. ; Este artículo busca comprender el papel de la comunicación interna en las organizaciones públicas, en particular en aquellas vinculadas al Gobierno Federal del Estado brasileño y que son parte del Poder Ejecutivo. Se toman como punto de partida los datos recogidos, aún de modo exploratorio y limitado, en una muestra de ministerios, secretarías de Estado y órganos estatales con sede en Brasilia (Capital Federal). El objetivo es indagar si la tendencia de las organizaciones a invertir y a valorizar la comunicación interna, evidenciada en estudios de mercado (Mapa de la Comunicación Brasileña, FSB, 2011), también se verifica en los órganos públicos situados en la Capital Federal. Este trabajo pretende contribuir a la reflexión sobre la comunicación interna en los órganos públicos, en el contexto de transformaciones en el Estado brasileño.

The control over the main religious centers including one of the most important Muslim institution with the state status - the Al-Azhar University - belongs to the executive power in Egypt. On the one hand, the state has a decisive influence on the formation of religious ideology in the country, and on the other - ensure the 'official' ulama advantage in the interpretation of Islam and current issues from the point of view of Islamic law. Meanwhile in recent years new factors affected therelationship between al-Azhar and the Egyptian authorities. Analysis of these factors is the theme of this article. The structure and function of Al-Azhar, the religious policy of Nasser and Al-Azhar reform, the role of the supreme Sheikh of al-Azhar are discussed. ; В Египте контроль над основными религиозными центрами принадлежит органам исполнительной власти. Не составляет исключения и аль-Азхар – один из важнейших мусульманских институтов, имеющий статус государственного. С одной стороны, государство оказывает решающее влияние на формирование религиозной идеологии в стране, а с другой – гарантирует «официальным» улемам преимущество в трактовке ислама и актуальных вопросов с точки зрения мусульманского закона. Между тем в последнее время появились новые факторы, которые по-своему влияют на отношения между аль-Азхаром и египетскими властями, не меняя, впрочем, их сути. Анализу этих факторов и посвящена данная статья. Подробно рассмотрены такие вопросы, как структура и функции аль-Азхара, религиозная политика Насера и реформа аль-Азхара, роль верховного шейха аль-Азхара.

В статье освещены принципы подготовки, переподготовки и повышения квалификации государственных служащих; выявлены недостатки системы профессионального развития и образования работников государственного аппарата; дан анализ наиболее важных качественных характеристик кадрового состава государственных органов исполнительной власти Тамбовской области, которые позволяют оценить перспективы эффективного функционирования государственных органов по исполнению государственных функций и предоставлению населению государственных услуг. Проведенный анализ показателей Тамбовской области даёт возможность сделать прогноз на дальнейшую модернизацию системы профессионального развития государственных гражданских служащих, которая позволит осуществлять их подготовку, переподготовку, повышение квалификации и стажировку с целью более профессионального решения задач государственного управления, и, соответственно, возможности корректировать кадровую политику в регионе. ; In article principles of preparation, retraining and improvement of professional skill of civil servants are shined; lacks of system of professional development and formation of workers of machinery of state are revealed; the analysis of the most important qualitative characteristics of personnel structure of state structures of executive power of the Tambov region which allow to estimate prospects of effective functioning of state structures on execution of the state functions and granting to the population of the state services is given. The carried out analysis of indicators of the Tambov region gives the chance to make the forecast for the further modernization of system of professional development of the state civil servants which will allow to carry out their preparation, retraining, improvement of professional skill and training for the purpose of more professional solution of problems of the government, and, accordingly, possibilities to correct personnel selection in region.

Cinco parlamentarios peruanos presentaron el Proyecto de Ley No. 13519/2005-CR para modificar el texto normativo contenido en el artículo 30 de la Ley No. 28296, Ley General del Patrimonio Cultural de la Nación. Dicho Proyecto de Ley contiene un deficiente análisis costo-beneficio y desconoce la fuerza vinculante de dos tratados que están directamente relacionados con la protección de los bienes culturales muebles e inmuebles del Perú: (i) la Convención sobre defensa del patrimonio arqueológico, histórico y artístico de las naciones americanas, aprobado por el Poder Ejecutivo peruano mediante el Decreto Ley No. 22682; y, (ii) la Convención sobre la protección del patrimonio mundial, cultural y natural, aprobado por el Congreso de la República del Perú mediante la Resolución Legislativa No. 23349. ; Five Peruvian Congressmen presented Law Project Nr. 13519/2005-CR in order to modify Ruling Text of Article 30 in Law Nr. 28296, Ley General del Patrimonio Cultural de la Nación. This Law Project has a deficient benefit-cost analysis and fails to recognize the entailing force of two treaties directly related with the protection of movable and immovable cultural goods in Peru: (i) Convention on the Protection of the Archeological, Historical, and Artistic Heritage of the American Nations, approved by the Peruvian Executive Power by means of Decree Law Nr. 22682; and, (ii) Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, approved by the Congress of Peru by means of Legislative Resolution Nr. 23349.

As a characteristic of contemporary civilization, history will doubtless point to the unceasing effort to establish on a solid basis the juridical organization of the world. The essential requisites are already at hand. Facility of communication, suppression of distances, the fact that the different regions are in constant communication, all of these things greatly facilitate the work. There are no longer undiscovered lands, or inaccessible countries. In the commercial and industrial world business organizations embrace all the nations of the earth. In the intellectual domain, an irresistible international movement has succeeded the narrow conceptions heretofore existing. It is especially in the domain of law that such manifestations have been shown and are still shown with an ever-increasing intensity. In the vast subject of the conflict of laws, an effort is being made to obtain uniform rules; in the subject of the law of nations not only have numerous conventions been concluded, some of which number as contracting parties practically all the states; but the application of justice has been organized, and, already, has gone beyond the phase of arbitration; there exists a true judicial court, a court which declares and decides law in its own right instead of depending upon the will of those amenable to its jurisdiction. Everything indicates that the time is close at hand when a legislative and an executive power will be established over the nations; at any rate, no one nowadays thinks of pronouncing such institutions impossible and fit to be classed with unrealizable dreams.

Intro -- Title Page -- Table of Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- CHAPTER 1: The Importance of Clinical Leadership -- What is clinical leadership? -- Why is clinical leadership important? -- The development of clinical leadership practice -- Leadership and healthcare professionals -- Clinical leadership - the policy response -- The future of clinical leadership -- References -- Further resources -- CHAPTER 2: Leadership and Management -- Introduction -- Clinicians in management -- Managers in healthcare -- Leadership and management - a fine balance -- References -- Further resources -- CHAPTER 3: Leadership Theories and Concepts -- Trait theory -- Leadership styles -- Contingency theories -- Transformational leadership -- Charismatic leadership -- Servant leadership -- Authentic leadership -- Distributed, shared and collaborative leadership -- References -- Further resources -- CHAPTER 4: Followership -- Introduction -- What is followership? -- Why does followership matter? -- Theoretical perspectives -- Followership in the clinical environment -- Group identity in healthcare -- Followership at a systems level -- References -- Further resource -- CHAPTER 5: Leading Groups and Teams -- The evidence for team‐based working -- Why is the link so strong? -- What is a team? -- Key dimensions of effective clinical teams -- References -- Further resources -- CHAPTER 6: Leading and Managing Change -- Introduction -- Thinking about change -- Different contexts for change -- Approaches to leading change -- Useful behaviours when leading change -- Conclusion -- References -- Further resources -- CHAPTER 7: Leading Organisations -- The organisational landscape in healthcare -- Vision, mission and strategy -- Organisational culture -- Power, authority and influence -- Organisational structure -- Climate -- Reframing organisations.

The article discusses the concept of center-peripheral relations, which is proposed as a methodological basis for the decentralization of power in the modern state. This concept reveals the role and specifics of the inclusion of cities in the state and legal space of modern Ukraine. That is, the article is devoted to clarifying the possibilities of using the concept of center-peripheral analysis in jurisprudence for the theoretical justification of the decentralization of state power, in particular. The centering of the state space is associated with the formation of specific local areas and their legal justification. It is shown that cities always play the role of centers in the organization of public space, and therefore, they are the main points of concentration of administrative and financial resources. It is proved that the center-peripheral analysis is a relevant and divergent methodology for the decentralization of state power in Ukraine. Decentralization of power should be focused not only on rethinking the mechanism of organizational and financial independence of regions and districts by strengthening the position of local self­government in comparison with local executive bodies, but also on strengthening the role of cities as organizing centers capable of acting as real engine of economic and social development. Center-peripheral methodology proves its effectiveness in building a program of decentralization of state power. Shifting the emphasis from the regions to the enclaves, which from a socio-economic point of view are the real carriers of center-peripheral relations, is a way significantly strengthen the city's status in Ukrainian law and state space, to form a matrix of relations between the state and local territories that will provide an opportunity to build mutually beneficial conditions of financial, political and legal nature. Thus, decentralization as a tendency of development of the modern Ukrainian state is a real chance to complete the urbanization of Ukrainian society, which will not only strengthen the position of regional centers, but also strengthen the position of the periphery in society, respectively. ; У статті розглянута концепція центр-периферійних відносин, яка запропонована як методологічна основа щодо децентралізації влади у сучасній державі. За допомогою цієї концепції розкривається роль та специфіка включе- ності міст до державного та правового простору сучасної України. Тобто стаття присвячена з'ясуванню можливостей використання концепції центр-периферійного аналізу в юриспруденції, зокрема для теоретичного обґрунтування децентралізації державної влади. Центрація державного простору пов'язана зі становленням специфічних локальних територій та їх норматив­но-правовим оформленням. Показано, що міста завжди виконують роль центрів в організації державного просто­ру, у зв'язку із чим вони є основними точками концентрації управлінських та фінансових ресурсів. Доведено, що центр-периферійний аналіз є релевантною та дивергентною методологією проведення децен­тралізації державної влади в Україні. Децентралізація влади має бути зорієнтована не лише на переосмислення механізму організаційної та фінансової незалежності областей та районів шляхом посилення позицій місцевого самоврядування порівняно з органами виконавчої влади на місцях, але й на посилення ролі міст як організуючих центрів, здатних виступати реальними рушіями економічного та соціального розвитку. Центр-периферійна методологія виявляє свою ефективність під час побудови програми децентралізації дер­жавної влади. Перенесення акцентів з регіонів на анклави, які з соціально-економічного погляду є реальними носіями центр-периферійних відносин, є шляхом, який дозволить значно посилити статус міста в українському праві та в державному просторі, сформувати таку матрицю взаємин між державою та локальними територіями, яка надасть можливість побудувати взаємовигідні умови фінансового, політичного та юридичного характеру. Таким чином, децентралізація як тенденція розвитку сучасної Української держави - це реальний шанс завер­шити урбанізацію українського суспільства, що не лише посилить позиції обласних центрів, але й відповідно зміцнить позиції периферії у суспільстві.

The second political transition of power in El Salvador poses a challenge for the democratic institutions. The aftermath of the Peace Accord, signed in 1992, has allowed the gradual development of the Salvadoran democratic institutions. In the past 30 years, significant efforts have been made to institutionalize the use of democratic channels for decision-making. This article tackles the interaction between the government of President Nayib Bukele and the Legislative Assembly, in order to explore the strength of democratic governance in the Salvadoran political system. ; La segunda transición de poder político en el Ejecutivo representa una oportunidad y un reto para el desarrollo institucional en El Salvador. El período de construcción democrática, iniciado en 1992, ha permitido el desarrollo paulatino de la institucionalidad salvadoreña. En los últimos 30 años se han realizado esfuerzos importantes para institucionalizar el uso de canales democráticos para la toma de decisiones. El análisis retoma la interacción entre el Gobierno del presidente Nayib Bukele y el Órgano Legislativo durante su primer año de Gobierno, con el objetivo de ofrecer una valoración sobre las condiciones de gobernabilidad y la capacidad del sistema político salvadoreño para solventar las diferencias entre actores políticos mediante canales democráticos.

The declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand Marcos on 21 September 1972 marked the overthrow of the open and competitive Filipino political system that had operated on the principle of institutional checks and balances adapted from the American model of liberal democracy. The Marcos power seizure represented a breakthrough by a coalition of the central Executive and new social forces that had emerged from the Philippines' transition to modernity against the constitutional restraints on presidential power. The new coalition, in which the military, the technocracy, and foreign economic interests were important components, succeeded in destroying the old balance of power, which had rested on the adversary relationship between the Chief Executive and Congress. The disbanding of Congress by emergency fiat reflected the decisive flew of power towards the Executive; for twenty-six years since independence, the legislature had acted as the main institutional check on the presidency.

This study measures support for the basic rights, liberties, and practices associated with polyarchy in 12 Latin American democracies. Specifically, it identifies five profiles of support for polyarchy's core values and norms—public contestation, inclusive participation, limits on executive authority, and institutional checks and balances. Although citizens who fit the polyarch profile accept all of polyarchy's principles, those who fit one of the four mixed support profiles ( power constrainer, power checker, power delegator, power restrainer) accept only some of them while rejecting other core democratic principles. Long-run factors emphasized by modernization and cultural theories (e.g., education, wealth, political engagement) are closely associated with the polyarch support profile. However, short-range performance factors (e.g., economic perceptions; crime, discrimination, and corruption victimization; voting for losing presidential candidates; presidential approval) may better explain why citizens fit one particular mixed profile over another and particularly explain willingness to delegate authority to the executive at the expense of other institutions.

This article explores the impact of democratization on the resolution of executive-legislative crises in Latin American presidential regimes. The author studies 27 episodes in which the executive branch closed the legislature or the legislature removed the chief executive from office between 1950 & 2000. It is hypothesized that the democratization of Latin American presidential systems has hindered the ability of presidents to challenge the legislature & encouraged the emergence of congressional supremacy (i.e., the capacity of congress to impeach the president if a serious conflict emerges). Three causal mechanisms account for this outcome: (a) a lower likelihood of military intervention, (b) the elimination of constitutional tools used by authoritarian presidents to dissolve congress, & (c) greater stability in the constitutional environment. After discussing the limitations of conventional maximum likelihood tests, the author assesses this hypothesis using a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative model. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 45 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005.]

The present study analyzes the institutional design of the presidency in 22 postcommunist countries from 1993 to 1998 and its effects in terms of democratization. The analysis indicates that two dimensions of presidential powers should be distinguished: (a) a president's ability to act as a de facto head of government and (b) his or her authority to serve as an arbiter between the legislative and executive branches of government and to patronize the courts. Other factors hold that constant, political regimes with stronger executive powers of presidents exhibit worse contemporaneous democratic performance and are less able to consolidate as democracies. The results show that superpresidential regimes, in which presidents had been vested with authorities of both types, perform the worst. However, the marginal effect of presidential arbiter authorities is rather positive.