Corruption in the trap of the state. Irresponsible organizations — corruption mechanisms
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 201-234
ISSN: 1588-2918
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In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 201-234
ISSN: 1588-2918
Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.
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Considering the Hungarian civic sphere, its situation and characteristics are far from clear and unambiguous equally for nonprofessional and experts, despite the legal regulation. Nonprofit reports of The Hungarian Statistical Office provide data of the sector since 1993. The judicial online browser also runs a database to identify and acquire most important features of organizations of the civic sector. Still, there are only few results of secondary analysis or primary research, dependently or independently from them. The analysis of the reporting requirements seems to be novel field of the civic related researches, the main reason for the examinations are the latest media reports, where those organizations are highlighted, who cannot meet the subsidy related reporting requirement, who do not reveal their financial reports or simply there is some kind of an anomaly of the 1% personal income tax offering. Since 2011, civic organizations' reports are (or should be) available in the judicial browser, the objective of the examination is – in relationship with it – to understand how the way of reporting has changed and in what detail organizations are willing to report on their activities. Our results show that a not demanding reporting expectation of the court meets the reporting laziness of some of the civic organizations. ; Amennyiben ma Magyarországon a civil szféráról beszélünk, a törvényi szabályozás ellenére sem messze egyértelmű kép tárul a laikus vagy épp a szakember számára. A KSH nonprofit tájékoztatóiban 1993 óta állnak rendelkezésre adatok, a bírósági online kereső civil szervezetek azonosítására, főbb adatainak megismerésére működtet adatbázist, mindemellett, ezektől függetlenül vagy épp ezekre alapozva kevés a további másodelemzés, vagy épp empirikus jellegű kutatás. A civil szervezetek beszámolási kötelezettségeivel kapcsolatos vizsgálódás újszerű területe a civilek kutatásának, apropóját pedig épp a sajtóban egyre több alkalommal megjelenő cikkek adják: civilek, akik nem tudnak támogatásokkal elszámolni, akik nem teszik közé beszámolóikat vagy épp az SZJA 1% kapcsán vélelmezhető valamiféle anomália. 2011 óta a civilek beszámolói is hozzáférhetőek (vagy annak kellene lenniük) a bírósági online keresőben, és a kutatások célja ezzel összefüggésben pedig éppen az, hogy miként és hogyan változott a beszámolási kötelezettség, megfelelően kitöltötteke a beszámolók, és mennyire hajlandóak részleteiben is beszámolni a szervezetek működésükről. Az eredmények szerint úgy tűnik, hogy a kevésbé kiélezett elvárásnak a beszámolási hajlandóság lazasága is velejárója.
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After the change of the regime in Hungary, significant restructuration occurred in the field of polity and public administration. Current, well-known structures of local governments and its supporting administrations have been formulated as a result of this process. The structure has been changed, but only partly, as habituations did not allow an overall change. Due to the recognition of this fact, ÁROP programme had been launched since 2007 in several periods, which supported the efforts in organization development of municipalities and local administration. However, the expected success failed, since the long term upkeep of changes was not established, or the needed commitment did not exist. Responsibility of organization development enterprises is not unimportant at all. Our organization worked out several studies in the frame of ÁROP programme. Careful investigation of the current situation is the establishment and precondition of organization development. This is followed by the elaboration of the conception. These can be carried out by several methods as adapted questionnaires, targeted interviews, focus group interviews, working day record, document analysis, SWOT analysis, life cycle analysis and at last but not least CAF questionnaire. Methods to be applied from these have to be selected according to the aims of the research.
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In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 109-120
ISSN: 1588-2918
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 32, Heft 4, S. 355-372
ISSN: 1588-2918
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 269-278
ISSN: 1588-2918
In: Col·lecció oberta 28
As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.
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The present study strives to examine a less know reform plan, the so-called "SZ agenda" from the second term (1939–1941) of PM Pál Teleki. The file labeled as "highly classified", which turned up in the secretary of the foreign office, Elemér Újpétey's legacy, encompasses a series of papers comprising a complete plan to reform the public administration, the government, and the economy. None of these papers indicates neither the name of its author nor the date of its creation, nonetheless it is fair to assume that they were laid down around November/December of 1940, and that the Service for National Policy, which used to orchestrate Teleki's secret domestic actions, was hugely involved in their making. The most important piece of these papers concentrates on the so-called State Staff, which, at its core, would have been an organization akin to the Council of Ministers assisting the PM and the government. An organization of this kind could have worked as a kind of shadow government in the event of a possible German occupation. By and large, these papers reveal that the outlined reforms were interrelated with Teleki's corporatist ideas, nevertheless their paramount importance was to beef up an independent and sovereign Hungary first and foremost vis-à-vis the Third Reich. It is uncharted, which stage of its realization the "SZ agenda" arrived at, but it is fairly feasible that the main hurdle to its implementation was Pál Teleki's death on April 3, 1941.
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