Suchergebnisse

The Swiss Confederation is characterised by a long constitutional evolution that can be divided into several important periods: the Old Swiss Confederacy (13–14 C.), Helvetica (1798–1848), Mediation (1803–1814), Restoration (1815–1830), Regeneration (1830–1848) and development since 1874. It can be stated that Switzerland adopted a modern, democratic constitution early; this state is the oldest democratic republic in Europe. In 1874, many amendments to the effective Constitution were made and a lot of gaps in legal regulation came to light, which led to the opinion that in order to remove those shortcomings, a few specific amendments were no longer sufficient; therefore, it was decided to make substantial changes to the Constitution. The new Constitution was approved by the people and the cantons in the referendum of 18 April 1999 and came into effect on 1 January 2000. The most significant features of this Constitution include the entrenchment of the principles of democracy, federalism, and of the state of law and social welfare. Pursuant to the principle of division of governmental powers, the governing of the state is carried out by the following federal institutions: the Federal Assembly, the Bundesrat and the Federal Court. The Federal Assembly, which takes into consideration the rights of the people and the cantons in its decision-making, is the supreme governing power of the Federation; it is granted superiority over the other powers, the Bundesrat and the Federal Court. This can be explained by the fact that its members are elected by the people in direct and democratic elections, and that it is assigned exclusive powers in the fields of legislation and supervision of other institutions. Nevertheless, the aforementioned position expressing the superiority of the Parliament does not change the essence of the principle of division of governmental powers that has long been the foundation of the Swiss Constitutions.elected according to the proportional representation system. The term of office is four years. The Council of States is made up of 46 canton deputies. Their term of office and system of election is determined by the individual cantons. The Federal Assembly can only exercise its assigned powers when matching decisions are made by the councils meeting separately. To exercise certain powers (election of members of the Bundesrat, the Federal Chancellor, Federal Court judges and the General; resolution of conflicts of competence between the supreme institutions of the Federation; granting clemency) they meet together and act as the United Federal Assembly. Activity of the members of the Federal Assembly is based on the principle of the free mandate. It is notable that the members of the Federal Assembly may retain their previous position during their term of office but, in order to ensure transparency in non-parliamentary ties and activities, they must disclose their interest ties. The Federal Assembly together with the Bundesrat are institutions that are fairly independent from each other, governing the state with regard to strategic issues, legislation, planning and formation of the budget and implementation of foreign policy; together they allow to describe Switzerland's form of government as exceptional, having some features of both the parliamentary and the presidential form of government. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama Šveicarijos Konfederacijos parlamento teisinė padėtis pagal šiuo metu šalyje galiojančią 1999 m. balandžio 18 d. referendume priimtą Konstituciją, įsigaliojusią 2000 m. sausio 1 d. Trumpai apžvelgus konstitucionalizmo raidą šalyje, pirmiausia aptariami pagrindiniai Konstitucijoje įtvirtinti valstybinės santvarkos ir politinės visuomenės pamatus grindžiantys principai, be abejo, lemiantys ir parlamento statusą šalyje, konstatuojant, kad Šveicarija yra demokratinė, federalinė, socialinė ir teisinė valstybė. Remiantis Konstitucijoje implicitiškai įtvirtintu valdžių padalijimo principu, atskleidžiama parlamento vieta valstybės valdžią įgyvendinančių institucijų sistemoje, akcentuojant jo viršenybę kitų institucijų atžvilgiu. Aptarus palamento – Federalinio susirinkimo – struktūrą, apžvelgiami jį sudarančių rūmų – Nacionalinės tarybos ir Kantonų tarybos – ypatumai. Toliau straipsnyje apžvelgiami parlamento įgaliojimai, pagrindiniai jo veiklos principai bei narių teisinio statuso esminiai bruožai.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

This dissertation raises the following questions: how the idea of European integration has evolved and changed in Lithuania; what were the factors that shaped Lithuanian decision to join the EU; what does the EU mean for Lithuania and how is the future of the Union seen now? Given the fact that the parties are one of the most important links between the national and the European level policies - they help to ensure the representation of national interests in the European arena and shape the public opinion about the EU domestically, these questions can only be answered by in-depth studies of programmatic positions of the Lithuanian political parties. The aim of the research is to explain how the attitudes of Lithuanian parties towards European integration were evolving, while analyzing their expression and changes in political discourse over the period of two decades. By examining the party programmes in the national parliamentary elections, the quantitative scope and intensity of the European integration topic was measured, as well as the multidimensional concept of European integration, which combines three discourses on European integration (the pragmatic – national, federal Europe and post-national union), was revealed. The main domestic and foreign policy conditions that lead to parties' attitudes towards European integration were also investigated – they include ideology of the parties, position in the government, electoral support and perception of security threats.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze, is there a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea? This study is specifically concerned with Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea under requirements of the international law. The main aim of this thesis is that the Russian Federation had annexed Crimea, a part of Ukraine. After annexation the parliament of Russia adopted the constitutional act. According to this constitutional act, citizens of Ukraine residing in Crimea are recognized as citizens of Russia. Under the Constitution of Ukraine there is no recognition of multiple citizenship; so voluntary acquisition of foreign citizenship is one of the grounds for initiating a procedure of terminating Ukrainian citizenship. However, Ukrainian officials stated that Ukraine will continue considering Crimean residents, including those who will apply and will be issued Russian passports, as citizens of Ukraine and will guarantee them political and economic rights. Migration Service of Ukraine stated that Ukrainian citizenship can be terminated only after a person who permanently lives abroad; acquires another citizenship and then applies to have his Ukrainian citizenship terminated. Citizenship termination comes into effect after the President of Ukraine signs a decree on this matter. It means that no act of the Russian Federation can terminate the citizenship of Ukrainian citizens. The thesis has three major purposes: 1) to analyze granting and recognition of citizenship under requirements of the international law; 2) to analyze, if Federal law on the Russian Federation citizenship meets requirements of the international law; 3) to analyze, is there a duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis researched in this thesis is that there is no duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Main methods were employed in this study: research of international law documents establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; analysis of documents of international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; comparative method to find out if Russia's law on citizenship met rules under international law; analysis of other international documents to find out, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. The thesis is composed of three chapters. First chapter identifies and analyzes documents of the international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law. Analysis covers acquisition of nationality, loss of nationality, requirements to persons who want to acquire nationality, dual citizenship and diplomatic protection in foreign state. Second chapter identifies Russian federation law of citizenship; and analyzes if this law meet rules under international law of citizenship. Third chapter analyzes, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. It was found that each state under its own law; determines who are its nationals, and under what requirements. The other states have to recognize that law if it meets international treaties and principles of international law. One conclusion was that even if the law of the Russian Federation meets all requirements for nationality of the European convention on Nationality; this law cannot be applicable to the citizens of annexed Crimea. Most members of the General Assembly of the United Nations had voted and affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, political independence, unity, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. On the basis of the results of this research, it can be concluded that there is no duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea on these grounds: 1) Most members of General Assembly affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders; It is possible to have multinational citizenship in some states, meanwhile, it is impossible to have it in the others. 2) The Government of Ukraine stated that all citizens of annexed Crimea are citizens of Ukraine, because acquisition of citizenship of Russia's federation was not voluntarily. 3) Annexed territory of Crimea is de jure territory of Ukraine; it means that under international law, law of the Russia's federation cannot be applicable in the territory of the annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis has been proved.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze, is there a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea? This study is specifically concerned with Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea under requirements of the international law. The main aim of this thesis is that the Russian Federation had annexed Crimea, a part of Ukraine. After annexation the parliament of Russia adopted the constitutional act. According to this constitutional act, citizens of Ukraine residing in Crimea are recognized as citizens of Russia. Under the Constitution of Ukraine there is no recognition of multiple citizenship; so voluntary acquisition of foreign citizenship is one of the grounds for initiating a procedure of terminating Ukrainian citizenship. However, Ukrainian officials stated that Ukraine will continue considering Crimean residents, including those who will apply and will be issued Russian passports, as citizens of Ukraine and will guarantee them political and economic rights. Migration Service of Ukraine stated that Ukrainian citizenship can be terminated only after a person who permanently lives abroad; acquires another citizenship and then applies to have his Ukrainian citizenship terminated. Citizenship termination comes into effect after the President of Ukraine signs a decree on this matter. It means that no act of the Russian Federation can terminate the citizenship of Ukrainian citizens. The thesis has three major purposes: 1) to analyze granting and recognition of citizenship under requirements of the international law; 2) to analyze, if Federal law on the Russian Federation citizenship meets requirements of the international law; 3) to analyze, is there a duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis researched in this thesis is that there is no duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Main methods were employed in this study: research of international law documents establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; analysis of documents of international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; comparative method to find out if Russia's law on citizenship met rules under international law; analysis of other international documents to find out, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. The thesis is composed of three chapters. First chapter identifies and analyzes documents of the international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law. Analysis covers acquisition of nationality, loss of nationality, requirements to persons who want to acquire nationality, dual citizenship and diplomatic protection in foreign state. Second chapter identifies Russian federation law of citizenship; and analyzes if this law meet rules under international law of citizenship. Third chapter analyzes, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. It was found that each state under its own law; determines who are its nationals, and under what requirements. The other states have to recognize that law if it meets international treaties and principles of international law. One conclusion was that even if the law of the Russian Federation meets all requirements for nationality of the European convention on Nationality; this law cannot be applicable to the citizens of annexed Crimea. Most members of the General Assembly of the United Nations had voted and affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, political independence, unity, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. On the basis of the results of this research, it can be concluded that there is no duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea on these grounds: 1) Most members of General Assembly affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders; It is possible to have multinational citizenship in some states, meanwhile, it is impossible to have it in the others. 2) The Government of Ukraine stated that all citizens of annexed Crimea are citizens of Ukraine, because acquisition of citizenship of Russia's federation was not voluntarily. 3) Annexed territory of Crimea is de jure territory of Ukraine; it means that under international law, law of the Russia's federation cannot be applicable in the territory of the annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis has been proved.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze, is there a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea? This study is specifically concerned with Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea under requirements of the international law. The main aim of this thesis is that the Russian Federation had annexed Crimea, a part of Ukraine. After annexation the parliament of Russia adopted the constitutional act. According to this constitutional act, citizens of Ukraine residing in Crimea are recognized as citizens of Russia. Under the Constitution of Ukraine there is no recognition of multiple citizenship; so voluntary acquisition of foreign citizenship is one of the grounds for initiating a procedure of terminating Ukrainian citizenship. However, Ukrainian officials stated that Ukraine will continue considering Crimean residents, including those who will apply and will be issued Russian passports, as citizens of Ukraine and will guarantee them political and economic rights. Migration Service of Ukraine stated that Ukrainian citizenship can be terminated only after a person who permanently lives abroad; acquires another citizenship and then applies to have his Ukrainian citizenship terminated. Citizenship termination comes into effect after the President of Ukraine signs a decree on this matter. It means that no act of the Russian Federation can terminate the citizenship of Ukrainian citizens. The thesis has three major purposes: 1) to analyze granting and recognition of citizenship under requirements of the international law; 2) to analyze, if Federal law on the Russian Federation citizenship meets requirements of the international law; 3) to analyze, is there a duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis researched in this thesis is that there is no duty of states, under international law, to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. Main methods were employed in this study: research of international law documents establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; analysis of documents of international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law; comparative method to find out if Russia's law on citizenship met rules under international law; analysis of other international documents to find out, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. The thesis is composed of three chapters. First chapter identifies and analyzes documents of the international law establishing rules of granting and recognizing citizenship under international law. Analysis covers acquisition of nationality, loss of nationality, requirements to persons who want to acquire nationality, dual citizenship and diplomatic protection in foreign state. Second chapter identifies Russian federation law of citizenship; and analyzes if this law meet rules under international law of citizenship. Third chapter analyzes, if there is a duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea. It was found that each state under its own law; determines who are its nationals, and under what requirements. The other states have to recognize that law if it meets international treaties and principles of international law. One conclusion was that even if the law of the Russian Federation meets all requirements for nationality of the European convention on Nationality; this law cannot be applicable to the citizens of annexed Crimea. Most members of the General Assembly of the United Nations had voted and affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, political independence, unity, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. On the basis of the results of this research, it can be concluded that there is no duty of states to recognize Russia's grant of citizenship to citizens of annexed Crimea on these grounds: 1) Most members of General Assembly affirmed its commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders; It is possible to have multinational citizenship in some states, meanwhile, it is impossible to have it in the others. 2) The Government of Ukraine stated that all citizens of annexed Crimea are citizens of Ukraine, because acquisition of citizenship of Russia's federation was not voluntarily. 3) Annexed territory of Crimea is de jure territory of Ukraine; it means that under international law, law of the Russia's federation cannot be applicable in the territory of the annexed Crimea. Initial hypothesis has been proved.