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With record-high incarceration rates, unprecedented extension of state supervision over individuals leaving prison, and a complex maze of legal barriers to reintegration, more people than ever before are returning home after serving time in prison. These individuals face daunting barriers to successful reintegration. Successful reentry requires strong community support networks and comprehensive services, both of which are lacking in urban areas to which most former prisoners return. Interventions that reflect these principles may hold the greatest promise for success. Yet reentry policies are still quite primitive; researchers are just now beginning to develop an approach to reentry based on evidence of best practices. At this moment, it is critically important that the federal government invest in the development and testing of new ideas and rigorous evaluations to determine which interventions are effective at promoting public safety and prisoner reintegration.

Two years since the financial crash of 2008 and nearly three years into the recession, what is perhaps most noteworthy about U.S. trade unions' response to the economic crisis is how limited and unfocused it is. To date, the main reactions of the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations and Change to Win to the crisis have been to lobby the U.S. federal government for new policies, such as those oriented to job creation; there has been little by way of member mobilization. Though this may at first seem surprising, in fact it reflects both long‐term weaknesses in the labor movement and new difficulties imposed by the conjuncture. However, despite these obstacles, the U.S. labor movement has developed new and innovative strategies in recent decades, which hold out hope for a stronger reaction in months and years to come.

This article used an interdisciplinary approach to a theory of paranoia as a political and cultural survival tool among Blacks in America. Focusing on a particularly contested moment in Black history—the Apollo 11 moon launch and its implications regarding funding for civil rights issues—the article approached its topic from literary, psychological, cultural, and scientific-technological perspectives, both historical and contemporary. The aim was to explore the issue of the post—civil rights "death" of the utility of appeals for full enfranchisement from the federal government and its subsequent impact on Black community life and cultural production. One of the major results of this event—seen here through the late sixties space race—was the rise of sociocultural paranoia as a productive resource in the Black community, as represented through the press, popular discourse, and literary endeavors, most notably the work of writer John A. Williams.

The purpose of the current study is to examine the attitudes of middle school principals in schools meeting AYP versus middle school principals in schools that have not met AYP. As Congress debates the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary School Act, better known as the No Child Left Behind Act, many questions have surfaced about the law's effectiveness. While former Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings has indicated that the law was designed with the overall intent of helping schools that fall behind (Spellings, 2008), some have argued that programs implemented under the law have had little or no impact in helping failing schools. The failing designation, assigned by the Federal government for schools that do not meet Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) may have the effect of threatening the ability of educational leaders to implement the core goals of the schools themselves.

The paper analyzes the common assumption that the EU has little power over taxation. We find that the EU's own taxing power is indeed narrowly circumscribed: its revenues have evolved from rather supranational beginnings in the 1950s towards an increasingly intergovernmental system. Based on a comprehensive analysis of EU tax legislation and ECJ tax jurisprudence from 1958 to 2007, we show that at the same time, the EU exerts considerable regulatory control over the member states' taxing power and imposes tighter constraints on member state taxes than the US federal government imposes on state taxation. These findings contradict the standard account of the EU as a regulatory polity which specializes in apolitical issues of market creation and leaves political issues to the member states: despite strong safeguards, the EU massively regulates the highly salient issue of member state taxation.

In 2009, like in 2004, a candidate stood for election who had not been Prime Minister before. After a tiring election campaign, six parties managed to re-enter Parliament. This time the CDU (after very quick coalition negotiations) formed a coalition with the FDP. Saxony was meant to serve as a pilot for the election of the Federal Government. The SPD has remained for the third time with a share of votes of about ten percent in a Diaspora situation. For the first time the share of votes of the left decreased in the Land. The party The Left was not successful in profiting from the double opposition bonus (in the Land as well as in the Union) even at a time of most difficult financial & economical political problems. In Saxony, the conservative camp has held a clear majority since 1990. Adapted from the source document.

This article evaluates the phenomenon of Indian ranching from its rise in the late nineteenth century to its potential demise in the early years of the twenty-first century. The article examines the many intertwined factors -- political, economic, cultural, ecological, and spiritual -- that account for Indian ranching's rise, as well as its impending demise. The article asserts that Indian ranching could well have become the Indian-civilizing strategy that helped bridge the vast socioeconomic gulf that existed, and still exists, between the Indian and non-Indian peoples of the northern Great Plains. The article concludes that Indian ranching's impending demise can today be avoided if the federal government and Indian leadership could work together in crafting an effective legislatively driven settlement of two major pending Indian law suits, which could go some distance toward restoring Indian ranching to economic and social viability on the northern Great Plains.

5 pages, 6 figures. ; This letter focus on the effect of repulsive interactions on the adoption of an external message in an opinion model. With a simple change in the rules, we modify the Deffuant \emph{et al.} model to incorporate the presence of repulsive interactions. We will show that information receptiveness is optimal for an intermediate fraction of repulsive links. Using the master equation as well as Monte Carlo simulations of the message-free model, we identify the point where the system becomes optimally permeable to external influence with an order-disorder transition. ; We acknowledge financial support by the MEC (Spain) and FEDER (EU) through project FIS2007-60327. TVM acknowledges the support of FCT (Portugal) through Grant No. SFRH/BD/23709/2005, MP is supported by the Belgian Federal Government (IAP project "NOSY: Nonlinear systems, stochastic processes and statistical mechanics"). ; Peer reviewed

ABSTRACT There has been a growing interest in anthropology regarding how certain political conditions set the stage for "articulations" between indigenous movements and environmental actors and discourses. However, relatively little attention has been paid to how these same conditions can suppress demands for indigenous rights. In this article, I argue that the pairing of neoliberalism and multiculturalism in contemporary Mexico has created political fields in which ethnic difference has been foregrounded as a way of denying certain rights to marginalized groups. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Mexico, I analyze how the arguments of a group of Cucapá for fishing rights in the Colorado Delta have been constrained within these political circumstances. I argue that cultural difference has been leveraged by the Mexican federal government and local NGOs to prevent the redistribution of environmental resources among vulnerable groups such as the Cucapá.

The Welfare‐to‐work policy, implemented in July 2006 by the Federal Government, imposed a new work and activity obligation on people applying for the Disability Support Pension. This requirement not only created a new obligation for people with disability but also for employment consultants working in nonprofit Disability Employment Network organisations to monitor the conduct of this new cohort on behalf of Centrelink. For many employment consultants traditionally drawn to the nonprofit disability sector for altruistic reasons, this has created an ethical dilemma between their duty to their employer, and acting in the best interests of their clients. Drawing on aspects of ethical theory we find that, although most employment consultants justify their actions in terms of duty to the organisation, some find themselves in an ethical dilemma of 'who to serve' when the interests of the organisation and the welfare of the client are mismatched.

The Federalist is commonly read as an exemplar of political realism. However, alongside Publius' arguments against the enthusiastic imagination— its tendency to inflame the passions, betray the intellect, and subvert political authority—are formative appeals to the imagination's role in reconstituting the public authority shaken during the postrevolutionary years. This essay explores three central aspects of Publius' restorative appeal to the imagination: the appeal to the public veneration required for sustaining political authority across time; the strategies for shifting citizen loyalty from the state and local level to that of a newly energized federal government; and the rhetorical elicitation of the public's imagination in aestheticized portrayals of Providential nationality. These aspects of Publius' argument make up the core of The Federalist's aesthetics of (self) rule. In each instance, Publius invokes the imagination as a heteronomic support to navigate familiar dilemmas of democratic self-authorization.

Three hypotheses form the analytical frame of this study: 1.) Non-violent protest provoked political change during the civil rights movement because southern African-American culture facilitated the acceptance of non-violence. 2.) African-American non-violent leaders led a successful public relations campaign that caused American public opinion to support civil rights gains for African Americans. 3.) Non-violent protesters developed coercive mechanisms that enabled them to exert pressure on their opponents, therefore enhancing their ability to negotiate with their opponents and the federal government. ; In der Dissertation hat der Autor drei Hauptgründe ermittelt, die für den Erfolg der Bürgerrechtsbewegung bedeutsam waren und in der Civil Rights Bill and Voting Rights Act ihren Höhepunkt fanden,: 1.) Die Kultur der Afroamerikaner im Süden von Amerika, wo die Bürgerrechtsbewegung ihren Anfang fand, ging mit der Philosophie der Gewaltlosigkeit einher, wie sie Martin Luther King Jr. propagierte, 2.) gewaltfreie Demonstranten vermochten es, die öffentliche Meinung mittels gewaltfreier Rhetorik und Dramatisierung auf ihre Seite zu bringen und 3.) afroamerikanische Demonstranten wendeten gewaltfreie Strategien und Methoden auf effektive Weise an.

Retention policies for clinical records are set primarily by the states, although the federal government mandates minimum maintenance periods for certain classes of patients and selected types of information. State policies vary considerably, but most jurisdictions permit many types of data to be destroyed after some period usually shorter than 10 years. Many health care organizations hold records longer than mandated, but over time much clinical data are discarded or become difficult to access. For improved care of patients and for support of research, the nation should recognize that clinical information, both paper and electronic, constitutes a valuable asset, the national phenome, that deserves long-term storage in archives that preserve both the records and access to the information. The technical and social problems of establishing archiving are formidable but offer an opportunity to exploit the potential of clinical information for public good.

Each year, an estimated 443,000 people die of smoking-related diseases in the United States. Cigarette smoking results in more than $193 billion in medical costs and productivity losses annually. In an effort to reduce this burden, many states, the federal government, and several national organizations fund tobacco control programs and policies. For this report we reviewed existing literature on economic evaluations of tobacco control interventions. We found that smoking cessation therapies, including nicotine replacement therapy (NRT) and self-help are most commonly studied. There are far fewer studies on other important interventions, such as price and tax increases, media campaigns, smoke free air laws and workplace smoking interventions, quitlines, youth access enforcement, school-based programs, and community-based programs. Although there are obvious gaps in the literature, the existing studies show in almost every case that tobacco control programs and policies are either cost-saving or highly cost-effective.

This is a conference paper. ; Sanitation interventions in Ethiopia involve many stakeholders, including different local, regional and federal government offices, non-governmental organizations, community-based organizations, private sector companies, religious, political and kebele leaders as well as communities. Not only do the relationships in this large network of actors affect the activities of each stakeholder in their functions, but they also influence their interventions as a whole. Interviews with various representatives of stakeholders involved in the sanitation sector in Arba Minch were conducted in order to analyze their roles, share of responsibilities, problems and a potential for better cooperation. In particular, involvement of the private sector in sanitation interventions has been neglected. The planned establishment of a multi-stakeholders regional forum that would gather various actors and enable them to share experience, ideas and cooperate on a regional scale seems to be a good way to start.