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This paper argues that feminisation is beginning to occur in the mining industry, a process associated with an expanded notion of mining as a livelihood in the radically changing political economy of extractive industries. It demonstrates that new gendered geographies are being created as grinding rural poverty pushes large numbers of women into informal mining (also known as artisanal and small-scale mining or ASM)-a fundamentally different type of economic activity from the capitalised, industrialised mining operated by large corporations. Further, it shows that a number of civil society initiatives, industry measures, policy processes and action-research with large-scale mining corporations are currently underway in response to an overall enhanced awareness of gender mainstreaming. It argues that these initiatives, ensued from women's struggles and feminist contributions, are helping to integrate gender more firmly in a wide range of extractive environments, and how these have enhanced the visibility of women and gender in mining. The paper ends by indicating the existing gaps in inquiry and possible directions for future research by feminist geographers into these gendered economic spaces.

"Being poor is a cardinal sin in our society," one attorney notes in connection with an observation that women face an uphill battle in terms of the effects of poverty on child custody outcomes. Evidence from the same document quotes a Minnesota referee who is renowned for his usual statement to female AFDC recipients:' How much of the taxpayers money are you currently receiving? (17,p.25)".

The paper tests hypotheses regarding the relationship between husbands' pluriactivity and women's integration in the agricultural occupation in terms of feminization of agricultural decision-making and institutional feminization; and between farm size and women's integration in the agricultural occupation with a population of active women farmers in the province of Kastoria. The data do not support either of the two hypotheses, thus indicating that women's integration in the agricultural occupation can occur not only among smallholders but as well as among large farmers (and even more among the latter) and that husbands' full-time off-farm employment is not the sole determining factor for women's integration in the agricultural occupation. Furthermore, the combination of large farm size with commercial agriculture seems to be positively related to women's integration in the agricultural occupation. These findings underline the necessity to involve such active women farmers to ongoing development programs aiming to increase farmers' competitiveness.

By claiming that self-consciousness exists only as recognized, Hegel undermined the paradigm of the autonomous subject. But since in western culture autonomy is paired with masculinity, it follows that what Hegel proposes is in fact a feminisation of our notion of subjectivity. His misogyny, however, prevents him from noticing this, and in his description of the ethical state he reinstates the masculine, self-subsistent subjectivity as the model of the citizen and excludes women from the public sphere, which leads to inconsistencies in his theoretical project. I argue that this is the result of denying women recognition so that men could have the love and care guaranteed in order to uphold their illusion of autonomy, which jeopardizes the idea of the ethical state. In this way, both Hegelian insights and his blind spots provide us with tools for the analysis of contemporary democracies struggling with the inheritance of liberal contract theories and capitalist (ir)rationality.