Suchergebnisse

What is feminism today? Why are we pluralizing it more and more? Why do we talk about feminisms? These questions might seem elementary, or even superfluous, but they confer a certain sense to a conglomerate of debates and positions linked to the multiple dimensions of a worldwide political and filosophical formulation.

The aim of this article is to introduce a mother-centred mode of feminism—what I have called "matricentric feminism"—to consider the context and challenges of a mother-centred feminist theory and politics, and to suggest directions for future research. Motherhood, it could be said, is the unfinished business of feminism. Matricentric feminism seeks to make motherhood the business of feminism by positioning mothers' needs and concerns as the starting point for a theory and politics on and for women's empowerment. This repositioning is not to suggest that a matricentric feminism should replace traditional feminist thought; rather, it is to emphasize that the category of mother is distinct from the category of woman and that many of the problems mothers face—social, economic, political, cultural, psychological, and so forth—are specific to women's roles and identity as mothers. Indeed, mothers are oppressed under patriarchy as women and as mothers. Consequently, mothers need a matricentric mode of feminism organized from and for their particular identity and work as mothers. Indeed, a mother-centred feminism is needed because mothers—arguably more so than women in general—remain disempowered despite forty years of feminism. My work does not rationalize or defend the need for a mother-centred feminism, as it takes it as a given. Instead, this article endeavours to describe and discuss this mode of mother-focused feminism, which has emerged as a result of and in response to women's specific identities andwork as mothers.

ABSTRAKFemina" berarti memiliki sifat keperempuanan. Sifat keperempuanan ini diadopsi sebuah paham yang muncul pada abad 19, yaitu paham yang dinamakan Feminisme. Pada saat itu perhatian dunia lebih cenderung terhadap sosial demokratis dimana adanya perlakuan yang beda karena perbedaan jenis kelamin, ras, warna kulit, dan sebagainya. Paham yang bermunculan di masyarakat saat itu membawa jenis kelamin sebagai pengontrol sosial, dimana seorang perempuan tidak diberikan kebebasan mutlak dalam segala hal. Maka, munculnya sebuah paham yaitu Feminimisme, yang bertujuan untuk membuka suatu persamaan perlakuan dalam perbedaan jenis kelamin dalam masyarakat.Feminsme berarti sebuah gerakan perempuan yang menuntut emansipasi atau kesamaan dan keadilan. Arsitektur Feminisme merupakan bagian dari Arsitektur Post-modern yang hadir karena kejenuhan akan bangunan-bangunan modern. Salah satu arsitek wanita yang menganut paham Feminisme adalah Zaha-Hadid.Makna feminisme itu sendiri dalam bidang arsitektur yaitu selain pengapdosian sifat perempuan mempunyai arti yang lebih dalam yaitu kebebasan dan kesejajaran dalam mengekspresikan ide dan desain bangunan. Hal ini terbukti dari terbentuknya paham baru yangmengutamakan kebebasan berekspresi serta berteknologi.Kata kunci : feminin, kebebasan, teknologi

This article shows the description of the theme of American Feminism. Feminism is defined as the belief in women's full social, economic, and political equality. Feminism arose largely in response to Western traditions that limited women's rights, but feminist thought has many forms and variations around the world. Shortly, this article is about the topic of American Feminism and its phases in America.

Feminism is an ideology and a humanistic philosophy that assimilate men and women for the uplift and development of the society. It also stands for the system of ideas which has to do with the changing conditions of women in the historic evolution of the human race. Feminism emerges as a concept that can encompass both an ideology and movement for socio political change based on a critical analysis of male privilege and women's subordination within any given society. It is the advocacy of social equality for men and women, in opposition to patriarchy and sexism.

"Instituting Feminism," this issue of OnCurating, reflects on the efforts of curators, artists, and community organisers to move beyond identifying inequities in the cultural industries to devising tools that can foster structural change. Exploring how curators have developed projects informed by feminist politics and aesthetics, contributors also look beyond representational formats to highlight the infrastructures and co-dependencies upon which cultural production relies. They understand that feminism's integration into the mainstream art world has been accompanied by a tokenistic "pink-washing," and thus raise questions about the terms under which gestures of "inclusion" and "participation" occur. Envisaging feminist instituting as an active, relational practice, articles discuss curatorial, artistic, and organisational initiatives that seek to forge alliances with struggles for ecological and social transformation. The projects and perspectives represented here foreground the need for new subjectivities, caring alliances, and support structures that offer alternatives to toxic contemporary labour conditions, including those endemic to art and curating. They hold out promise for more equitable and reciprocal ways of working, producing, and coexisting. by Helena Reckitt and Dorothee Richter

The development of the Czech feminist movement was inextricably linked with nationalism. Nationalist ideology recognised the power of women as mothers and their consequent claim to equality within the context of the nation. Having implicitly acknowledged the justice of feminism, nationalists then had to accommodate women's demands. As nationalism changed from a cultural to a political force, feminine patriotism slowly became a feminist movement. These links with nationalism stimulated the development and self-confidence of the Czech women's movement but they also engendered in feminists an unjustified belief in the instinctive feminism of Czech nationalists. The movement's development reflected that of feminist movements elsewhere. Demands for education led to attempts to obtain for women a place In social and political life, culminating in the demand for the vote. In the Czech case, however, such political demands produced tensions In the feminist movement. They raised the question of whether feminists' first allegiance should be to women, or whether they should merge their campaigns with those of the nationalist movement, as represented by the many political parties which had women's rights on their programmes. Much of the energy of the movement in the last ten years of this period was absorbed by this debate and the more general issues of what feminists wanted to achieve and how they should do it. Even the non-feminist women's movements attached to the Social Democratic and National Socialist parties had similar-difficulties. All these groups of women, feminist and non-feminist were concerned to define their place and establish themselves as an identifiable force. This led to an intense and fruitless preoccupation with organisation, which was only brought to an end when the First World-War changed the assumptions of Czech political life.

This is a chapter from the book "Brill's Companion to Anarchism and Philosophy", the full publication details are available here: http://www.brill.com/products/book/brills-companion-anarchism-and-philosophy#TOC_1 ; This chapter examines anarchist feminism as a politics that has emerged through critical engagements with both anarchism and non-anarchist feminisms. As a current within anarchism, anarchist feminism is rightly linked to the writing of leading anarchist women, typically neglected in anarchist canons. Yet in different historical moments anarchist feminism has emerged as a critique of feminism as well as an assessment of anarchist movement practices and principles. The argument is that contemporary anarchist feminism is contextualized by a powerful historical narrative which has both marginalized anarchism within feminism and described feminism's intersection with anarchism as a transformative moment. This narrative is described by a wave theory which stresses the successive disruptions of feminism, each building on the earlier disturbance to advance a modified politics. The first section gives an account of feminist wave theory, to show how the boundaries of feminism have been constructed in ways that are neglectful of, if not antithetical to, anarchism. It then sketches two anarchist responses to wave theory, showing how activists have sought to find tools within anarchism to develop anarchist feminism or, alternatively, turned to feminism for anarchism's re-invention as an anarchist feminist politics. The final two sections examine the impact of wave narratives on contemporary anarchist feminisms and consider what the writings of prominent anarchist women contribute to anarchist feminist thinking.

This is an introduction to a series of writings about lesbian feminism included on UNSWorks. It also briefly discusses my own experiences of and theorising about lesbian feminism in the 1970s and 1980s. The papers are: • Homosexuality: the invisible alternative (1978); • Lesbianism as political practice (1980); • The third Women and Labour conference (1982); • Anti-intellectualism at the lesbian conference (1989); • Theory and its difficulties (1990); • Impressions of the lesbian conference (1991); • Rules, Principles, Policies, Standards and Guidelines: Do We Need Them? (1991); • A Discussion of the problem of horizontal hostility (1993); • Lesbian feminist politics in Sydney: fighting over meaning (1993); • On pornography (1997); and • Lesbian politics (2004—written after the first version of this Introduction).

Like Freud's famous inquiry 'what does a woman want?', this paper asks a similar question of the signifier 'feminism' for if one aims to (re)imagine feminism for the new millennium one must first ask: what does Feminism want? This (imperfect) reference to Freud's question hopes to draw attention to the particular and the universal underpinning the signifier feminism, a slipperiness that works idiosyncratically at the threshold of public and private politics which, though it is perhaps the most unifying aspect of feminism, nevertheless undermines it. To politicize the personal one must question the signifier that comes to universalize an indefinite article for, as I argue in this paper, what 'a' woman wants is beneath the bar of what Feminism wants when it is mounted in public discourse. To continue to invest publically in a signifier of personal politics––as Jacqueline Rose advocates (2014)––then, one must rephrase the question: of what does this signifier Feminism speak when it is mounted in public discourse? This paper considers some mechanisms by which this signifier generates and mobilizes desire, fantasy, and phobia in public politics where feminism's knowledge product covers over or, in Rose's terms, "sanitizes" those "disturbing insight[s]" (2014: x) of experience, "everything that is darkest, most recalcitrant and unsettling" (2014 xii), in the "furthest limits of conscious and unconscious life" (2014: x). Here, where this signifier constitutes an ideal-ego, its effects are inhibiting. In short, this paper argues that before any future of feminism can be imagined, those occupying a feminist position—discourse, politics, or identity—must ask what their unconscious investment in this signifier is. In Lacanian terms, one must relinquish feminism's discourse of protest and complete the circuit through the analyst's discourse to ask: what does a woman want in feminism? What does Feminism want?

In this essay I propose a political-conceptual grammar, an interpretive framework to rethink the changing dynamics of what wenormally call "social movements," emphasizingfeminisms in movement and seeking to understand their recent expressions of / in protest. My reflections are mainly based on my immersion in activism and the feminist academy in Brazil, as well as in the longitudinal and virtual ethnographic work that I have been doing for several years on various feminisms, social movements, NGOs, activism networks, anti-globalizationmovements, and protests in the last decade in Brazil and other parts of LatinAmerica. ; En este ensayo propongo una gramática político-conceptual, un marco interpretativo para repensar las dinámicas cambiantes de lo que normalmente denominamos "movimientos sociales," haciendo énfasis en los feminismos en movimiento y buscando entender sus recientes expresiones de/en protesta. Mis reflexiones se basan principalmente en mi inmersión en el activismo y la academia feminista en Brasil, así como en el trabajo etnográfico longitudinal y virtual que vengo realizando hace varios años sobre diversos feminismos, movimientos sociales, ONGs, redes de activismo, movimientos antiglobalización, y protestas en la última década en Brasil y otras partes de América Latina.

The starting-point for the article is to provide a brief background on the Ubuntu Project that Prof. Drucilla Cornell convened in 2003; most notably the interviews conducted in Khayamandi, the support of a sewing collective, and the continued search to launch an Ubuntu Women's Centre. The article will reflect on some of the philosophical underpinnings of ubuntu, whereafter debates in Western feminism will be revisited. Ubuntu feminism is suggested as a possible response to these types of feminisms. The authors support an understanding of ubuntu as critique and ubuntu feminism accordingly as a critical intervention that recalls a politics of refusal. The article ends by raising the importance of thinking about spatiality through ubuntu, and vice versa. It may seem strange to title an article Ubuntu feminism when feminism itself has often been identified as a European or Western idea. But, this article will argue that ubuntu offers conceptions of transindividuality and ways of social belonging that could respond in a meaningful way to some of European feminism's own dilemmas and contradictions. Famously, one of the most intense debates in feminism was between those who defended an ethic of care in a relational view of the self, on one side, and those feminists who held on to more traditional conceptions of justice, placing an emphasis on individuality and autonomy, on the other side. The authors will suggest that ubuntu could address this tension in feminism. Thus, in this article the focus will not simply be on ubuntu, in order to recognise that there are other intellectual heritages worthy of consideration, other than those in Europe and the United States. It will also take a next step in arguing that ubuntu may be a better standpoint entirely from which to continue thinking about what it means to be a human being, as well as how to conceive of the integral interconnection human beings all have with one another. This connection through ubuntu is always sought ethically, and for the authors it underscores what we ...

Every idea has its time. Joan Williams's idea is that we need to reframe debates about work and family by paying attention to how our gender system of domesticity harms everyone: women, men, privileged Americans, and working-class people. Williams defines domesticity as the gender system that organizes market work and family work around traditional gender roles through a set of entrenched narratives and institutional arrangements. Her basic argument is that to achieve more family-friendly public policy in the United States, feminists and advocates need to pay attention to the impact of domesticity on men and working-class people as well as privileged women. In Williams's view, we also need to be more sophisticated about politics. Like her formidable body of work on the subject, Williams's new book, Reshaping the Work-Family Debate: Why Men and Class Matter, has a lot to say about the harms of domesticity for women. Yet her latest contribution to the subject signals a reorientation of priorities. The cover makes her point clearly: we see an image of a sweatshirt-clad, unshaven white man looking into the eyes of a young white boy, presumably a father and son. Is this a working-class man saying goodbye to his son before leaving for a blue-collar job? Or is it a laid-off Wall Street investment banker newly discovering the joys of fatherhood? The point is this: it does not matter, for the financial crisis of 2008 increasingly leveled the playing field between the two. Joan Williams's timely book seeks to harness this potential alignment of working-class and elite interests to further advance her lifelong project of disrupting separate-spheres ideology and creating more family-friendly workplaces in America. In this Essay, I offer an assessment of Williams's apparent reorientation in strategy: her decision to focus on masculinity and class in framing the problem of work and family conflict. Part I describes the book, reviewing its main theoretical and strategic innovations. Part II teases out the intellectual ...

This article analyses the novel Generation 14 by Priya Sarukkai Chabria from a convergent perspective of Dalit Studies (which encapsulates Dalit literature and Dalit feminism) and science fiction. I suggest that Indian science fiction that discusses caste with reference to the emerging technoscientific culture can be termed Dalit-futurism. I define this concept by drawing on the tradition of Dalit literature and science fiction and suggest that the Dalit-futurist texts seek to mutate caste to foreground its arbitrary structure. This paper uses the vocabulary of science-fiction criticism to analyze the mutation of caste in the fictional world and draws parallels with our social reality. It suggests that the social divisions in the fictional world echo the Brahmanical patriarchy of the Indian subcontinent. I theorize that the convergence of Dalit-futurism with feminist theory results in a new and transformative feminist configuration termed 'Dalit-futurist feminism'. I explicate Dalit-futurist feminism through the cyborg figure, which I suggest shares overlapping themes and concerns with the Dalit feminist standpoint theory, conceptualized by Sharmila Rege and Cyborg feminism conceptualized by Donna Haraway. I suggest that the main protagonists, Aa-Aa and Clone 14/54/G, embody the intersectional, revisionist, and inclusive feminism advocated by Rege and Haraway, arguing for an affiliation-based politics that rejects women's unity based on essentialized identities like sex, class, race, and caste and uncover the constructive nature of social processes that maintain and reproduce hierarchies, inequalities, and oppression.

This book review critiques Lauren F. Klein and Catherine D'lgnazio's Data Feminism (2020). Klein and D'lgnazio take a visual approach to provide a synopsis—underpinned by social and political commentary—that explores the avenues through which data science and data ethics shape how contemporary technologies exploit injustices related to race and gender. Klein and D'lgnazio offer examples of this exploitation, such as the discriminatory surveillance apparatus that relies on racial profiling tactics. These examples are emboldened by the use of contemporary data strategies that—on the surface—strive to achieve a more equitable and 'neutral' hierarchal society. This review examines the text's visual approach to demonstrating institutional inequities and the authors' acknowledgement of their own privilege, specifically the role they play in upholding the oppressive systems they seek to dismantle through collaboration and intersectional analysis.