Suchergebnisse

En s'inscrivant dans la sociologie de la reception, cet article analyse les effets de la lecture comme support a la diffusion d'idees feministes chez les femmes des classes moyennes. En comparant les cas de lectrices issus de deux enquetes de terrain, l'une sur des cercles de lecture lyonnais majoritairement feminins, l'autre sur des femmes sensibilisees aux questions de genre a Geneve, nous proposons de comprendre comment des textes litteraires, de sciences sociales ou de developpement personnel soutiennent des trajetoires de transgression, voire de subversion du genre. Ces processus sont rendus possibles par deux formes differenciees d'appropriation des idees feministes: la contestation des normes liees a la feminite heterosexuelle et l'autonomisation materielle et symbolique a l'egard des hommes This article takes a sociology of reception approach in order to analyse the role of reading in disseminating feminist ideas among middle-class women. By comparing the cases of women readers taken from two field surveys, one of primarily female reading groups in Lyon, the other of women in Geneva who are sensitive to gender issues, we propose to identify how literary, social sciences and personal development texts encourage the process of gender transgression, or even subversion. This process is made possible by the appropriation of feminist ideas in two differentiated forms: the challenging of norms associated with heterosexual femininity, and women's material and symbolic independence from men. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; International audience ; This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; Cet article porte sur les enjeux de genre dans les manifestations post-électorales en Iran en 2009, et plus généralement la place des femmes et des féministes dans les mouvements de contestation du pouvoir. Leur représentation importante dans ces mouvements tient à l'écart entre leurs gains en termes d'accès à l'espace public, matériel ou virtuel, et de citoyenneté, et leur exclusion de l'espace politique institutionnel.

Women's low rate of participation at the highest levels of politics is a recurrent topic in the gender studies literature. Romanian historiography is not very generous in this regard. The present study proposes an introduction to a survey on the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature in Romania. In order to understand the complexity of structural, economic, political, and ideological factors, it is necessary to start with an analysis of the trajectories that allowed women to reach a high political position: a seat in the national Parliament. For this purpose, the article examines several types of sources (official CVs, personal blogs, as well as fragments from interviews conducted with 11 women members of Parliament during the 2004-2008 legislature) in order to address the following questions: Who are the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature? Which are the efficient resources for a successful political career? What is women politicians' subjective perspective on their access to politics and on their political success? This first inquiry, part of a larger research, intends to identify the explanatory reasons regarding women politicians' role and status; the functioning of the selection procedures within political parties; and the practices related to political "power".

Sous quelles formes et dans quels espaces se déploient les idées féministes au Mexique dans les années 1960 et 1970 ? La diffusion et la réception des idées féministes trouvent dans la presse, un espace privilégié. C'est ce que démontre cette étude qui porte sur la collaboration de trois intellectuelles féministes mexicaines : Esperanza Brito, Elena Urrutia et Marta Lamas, qui ont marqué et symbolisé la lutte pour l'émancipation des Mexicaines, dès la fin des années 1960. Ces trois protagonistes, issues des classes aisées, racontent leurs expériences, de femme et de militante féministe, à des lecteurs et lectrices non acquis aux idées féministes.Les prises de position des trois collaboratrices reflètent trois courants classiques de la pensée féministe : libéral égalitaire (Esperanza Brito), de tradition marxiste et socialiste (Elena Urrutia) et radical ou culturel (Marta Lamas). Ces trois tendances marquent leurs discours, qui se coulent dans l'analyse de genre. Leur écriture, somme toute nouvelle, de la réalité vécue par les femmes est possible durant une période politique où l'on assiste au passage d'un gouvernement marqué par son autoritarisme, symbolisé par la répression du mouvement estudiantin (G. Díaz Ordaz), à un gouvernement qui prétend promouvoir une "ouverture démocratique" (L. Echeverría Alvarez), suivie par un retour au conservatisme (José López Portillo). Cette étude fournit une peinture de la société mexicaine, depuis la capitale, à travers l'analyse du regard sans complaisance de ces trois femmes, intellectuelles et féministes, sur leurs institutions et leurs compatriotes.

Sous quelles formes et dans quels espaces se déploient les idées féministes au Mexique dans les années 1960 et 1970 ? La diffusion et la réception des idées féministes trouvent dans la presse, un espace privilégié. C'est ce que démontre cette étude qui porte sur la collaboration de trois intellectuelles féministes mexicaines : Esperanza Brito, Elena Urrutia et Marta Lamas, qui ont marqué et symbolisé la lutte pour l'émancipation des Mexicaines, dès la fin des années 1960. Ces trois protagonistes, issues des classes aisées, racontent leurs expériences, de femme et de militante féministe, à des lecteurs et lectrices non acquis aux idées féministes.Les prises de position des trois collaboratrices reflètent trois courants classiques de la pensée féministe : libéral égalitaire (Esperanza Brito), de tradition marxiste et socialiste (Elena Urrutia) et radical ou culturel (Marta Lamas). Ces trois tendances marquent leurs discours, qui se coulent dans l'analyse de genre. Leur écriture, somme toute nouvelle, de la réalité vécue par les femmes est possible durant une période politique où l'on assiste au passage d'un gouvernement marqué par son autoritarisme, symbolisé par la répression du mouvement estudiantin (G. Díaz Ordaz), à un gouvernement qui prétend promouvoir une "ouverture démocratique" (L. Echeverría Alvarez), suivie par un retour au conservatisme (José López Portillo). Cette étude fournit une peinture de la société mexicaine, depuis la capitale, à travers l'analyse du regard sans complaisance de ces trois femmes, intellectuelles et féministes, sur leurs institutions et leurs compatriotes.

"Female genital mutilation" is a contemporary invention that has become an object of political debate since the late 1970s. Legal and medical discourse, followed by feminist discourse, have emerged on the international scene and outlined the contours of a worldwide recognized crime. Originally defined as a public health problem, excision of the clitoris has become the subject of reparation politics of sexuality in the 2000s. France has a unique policy that grants excised women the access to surgical repair of their clitoris. The surgery is reimbursed by the public health insurance system since 2003, providing an equal access to repair for all women and including the right to repair within social policies. This thesis is based on a unique empirical material including an ethnographic observation of two surgery units that practice clitoral repair surgery in Paris metropolitan area, a quantitative analysis of medical records of all patients followed by these units since their creation, and in-depth interviews of 30 women who contacted one of the units. It retraces the logics of the two actors involved in repair surgery: the medical profession and patients. For African women from sub-Saharan Africa, repair reflects a genuine quest for equality in sexuality with unexcised European women. On the medical side, professionals answers requests made by women who are able to express excision as an attack/aggression and to claim their right to repair ("I want to get back what was taken from me"). Clitoral repair is an example of unprecedented repair policy of sexuality, in which medicine, sexuality and excision are questioned. ; Les « mutilations génitales féminines » sont une invention contemporaine. Elles deviennent un objet de débat politique à partir de la fin des années 1970. Le discours juridique et les formulations médicales s'imposent sur la scène internationale, suivis par le discours féministe. Ils tracent ensemble les contours d'un crime reconnu au niveau mondial. Originellement défini comme un problème de santé ...

Science-based and political discourses on youth usually focus on issues such as risk behaviour, deliquency, and dropping out of school, and most of the time omit the heuristic dimension of gender. The analysis of the distribution of girls and boys across spaces, equipments and leisure activities in three suburban areas of Bordeaux show how the use of organised leisure is dominated by boys and while girls stay away from these from the start of lower secondary school. It is all as if boys invest public spaces when organised practices do not fit their needs anymore, while girls disappear from these spaces and withdraw into the private sphere. Drawing on the approach of social geography, this thesis demonstrates the relevance of a feminist approach as a science-based paradigm which is useful to understand how public spaces become gender-differentiated. A comparison of how boys and girls use public spaces and leisure equipments results in a questionning of the notions of gender 'mixity' and equality in the context of public policies in contemporary society. Four main findings have been identified : (1) – inequalities : state-sponsored leisure targets twice as many boys as girls. (2) – 'non-mixity' and the reinforcement of inequalities : boys-only activities are seen as more important than girls-only ones. (3) - The invisibility of girls. They stop using these structures from the start of lower secondary school, they disappear from the public spaces targeting young people. (4) - Gender performativity : The constitution of spaces of specifically male leisure and the valuation of the " male cultures " represent the main part of the practice autonomous youth and in free access. ; Les discours scientifiques et politiques sur la jeunesse s'attachent généralement aux problématiques de déviance, comportements à risque, délinquance et décrochage scolaire et oublient le plus souvent l'aspect heuristique de la variable genre. L'analyse de la répartition des filles et des garçons dans les espaces, équipements et temps de loisirs ...

Science-based and political discourses on youth usually focus on issues such as risk behaviour, deliquency, and dropping out of school, and most of the time omit the heuristic dimension of gender. The analysis of the distribution of girls and boys across spaces, equipments and leisure activities in three suburban areas of Bordeaux show how the use of organised leisure is dominated by boys and while girls stay away from these from the start of lower secondary school. It is all as if boys invest public spaces when organised practices do not fit their needs anymore, while girls disappear from these spaces and withdraw into the private sphere. Drawing on the approach of social geography, this thesis demonstrates the relevance of a feminist approach as a science-based paradigm which is useful to understand how public spaces become gender-differentiated. A comparison of how boys and girls use public spaces and leisure equipments results in a questionning of the notions of gender 'mixity' and equality in the context of public policies in contemporary society. Four main findings have been identified : (1) – inequalities : state-sponsored leisure targets twice as many boys as girls. (2) – 'non-mixity' and the reinforcement of inequalities : boys-only activities are seen as more important than girls-only ones. (3) - The invisibility of girls. They stop using these structures from the start of lower secondary school, they disappear from the public spaces targeting young people. (4) - Gender performativity : The constitution of spaces of specifically male leisure and the valuation of the " male cultures " represent the main part of the practice autonomous youth and in free access. ; Les discours scientifiques et politiques sur la jeunesse s'attachent généralement aux problématiques de déviance, comportements à risque, délinquance et décrochage scolaire et oublient le plus souvent l'aspect heuristique de la variable genre. L'analyse de la répartition des filles et des garçons dans les espaces, équipements et temps de loisirs ...

Science-based and political discourses on youth usually focus on issues such as risk behaviour, deliquency, and dropping out of school, and most of the time omit the heuristic dimension of gender. The analysis of the distribution of girls and boys across spaces, equipments and leisure activities in three suburban areas of Bordeaux show how the use of organised leisure is dominated by boys and while girls stay away from these from the start of lower secondary school. It is all as if boys invest public spaces when organised practices do not fit their needs anymore, while girls disappear from these spaces and withdraw into the private sphere. Drawing on the approach of social geography, this thesis demonstrates the relevance of a feminist approach as a science-based paradigm which is useful to understand how public spaces become gender-differentiated. A comparison of how boys and girls use public spaces and leisure equipments results in a questionning of the notions of gender 'mixity' and equality in the context of public policies in contemporary society. Four main findings have been identified : (1) – inequalities : state-sponsored leisure targets twice as many boys as girls. (2) – 'non-mixity' and the reinforcement of inequalities : boys-only activities are seen as more important than girls-only ones. (3) - The invisibility of girls. They stop using these structures from the start of lower secondary school, they disappear from the public spaces targeting young people. (4) - Gender performativity : The constitution of spaces of specifically male leisure and the valuation of the " male cultures " represent the main part of the practice autonomous youth and in free access. ; Les discours scientifiques et politiques sur la jeunesse s'attachent généralement aux problématiques de déviance, comportements à risque, délinquance et décrochage scolaire et oublient le plus souvent l'aspect heuristique de la variable genre. L'analyse de la répartition des filles et des garçons dans les espaces, équipements et temps de loisirs ...

The influence of gender & political orientation on 305 Quebec politicians' attitudes toward women in politics is explored drawing on 1989 questionnaire data. Attitudes toward the feminist movement & toward the idea that women politicians should promote women's issues are reported, & it is found that women tend to view themselves as more responsible than men for promoting women's interests. It is therefore suggested that sex may be considered a political category. No gender differences are found in attitudes toward the feminist movement. Members of Quebec's Liberal party are the most resistant to the idea that women politicians should promote women's issues, & to the feminist movement in general. 4 Tables. I. Shagrir

This article proposes a critical review of the ways in which some trends within the left interpreted and integrated theoretical issues brought by the women's movement after a decade of feminist political struggle at the end of the seventies and the beginning of the eighties. The study concerns the pluralist left which was the most susceptible to understand and to accept positively feminist demands within an enlarged political platform. The alternative journal Temps fou (TF) (1978-1983) was chosen for the place it occupied within the alternative and progressive press in Quebec during that period. This journal considered that feminism represented an important challenge for the renewal of the left's political discourse in Quebec. Two articles are analysed. The first one exemplifies the difficulty for the left to understand the real meaning of social transformations requested by the women's movement. On the contrary, the second article underlines the context within which a social movement integrates feminist theoretical issues within its core discourse. Adapted from the source document.

This text discusses recent feminist works on issues of difference, notably intersectional analysis and postcolonial feminism. The first part of the text presents some of the canonical texts of these two currents and exposes some of the resistance found within Francophone feminisms towards an analysis that is decentred from a universal subject-woman. The second part discusses the political project of postcolonial feminism and shows how such an analysis uncovers the influence of colonial heritage on power dynamics found within Francophone feminism. Adapted from the source document.

This paper deals with the way feminist, LGBT and AIDS organizations questioned candidate parties in the 2012 presidential election about various sexuality issues. These processes have taken very different forms, from public letters to meetings, but they all work with the same interactive dynamics: interactions between parties and organizations, but also with the voters. Party positioning in respect to the organizations shows a polarization process and a growing gap between parties whose positions are close to the organizations' ones, willing to discuss and cooperate, and parties opposed to organizations, often refusing dialogue. Moreover, party-organization interactions can go from confrontation to collaboration, which shows some overlaps and connections between political parties and feminist and LGBT movements. ; Cet article étudie la façon dont les associations féministes, LGBT et de lutte contre le sida ont interpellé les partis candidats à l'élection présidentielle de 2012 sur différents enjeux liés à la sexualité. Ces processus d'interpellation prennent des formes très diverses allant de l'échange de lettres rendu public à l'organisation de meetings. Ils ont néanmoins en commun de mettre en jeu des dynamiques interactives : interactions entre partis et associations, mais aussi avec l'électorat. Les positionnements des partis face aux associations révèlent un processus de polarisation et un clivage accru entre les partis qui se mobilisent sur ces enjeux, adhèrent aux revendications des associations, en sont des interlocuteurs, et les partis qui rejettent ces thématiques et le dialogue avec les associations. De plus, les interactions entre partis et associations sont prises dans une tension entre confrontation et collaboration qui met au jour certaines continuités et imbrications entre partis politiques et mouvements féministes et LGBT.

The article focuses on the comparison between the Romanian and the Belgian feminisms between the Wars. The author presents the evolution of political parties and of feminism in Romania and in Belgium, continues with the presentation of the actions of feminists to obtain the political rights and ends with a comparative approach of the feminists' discourses. Thus, the author points to a number of strong resemblances concerning the two feminisms as doctrines, as well as in what concerns the praxis, with similar types of actions in view of obtaining political rights. In fact, between the Wars, the Romanian feminism was attempting to integrate in the great network of international feminism. However, while Romania used the Belgian model for its own constitutional and political development, there were also important differences between the two countries. The article stresses the national specificity of Romania and Belgium, observing the independence of Romanian feminists "vis-a-vis" the parties versus the enrolment of women in political parties in Belgium, the political regime of the two countries being another object of this research.