Suchergebnisse

In general the text created by Web 2.0 community reflects the vitality of patriarchal culture in Lithuania. What is wonder that the theme of feminism and feminists as a social phenomenon and problem is actually ignored as well- it is a peculiarity that distinguishes the tex X from the most texts created by Web 2.0 community in response to the publications related to gender equality and discrimination issues published in DELFI It. since the possibility to comment publications has been introduced in the portal. The refusal to develop feminist topic in the text may be related rather to the rising of political correctness, i.e. self- censorship than to actual deconstruction of feminism as a public evil in popular discourse. At the same lime, one may suggest that in present Lithuania where the highest political jiuai u.c held by women, feminism potentially receives at least a neutral meaning in popular discourse. Despite the fact that the Office' activity is not directly reflected in the text, research data allows to make some conclusions in relation to significance of the Office in Lithuania. First of all, there is lack of knowledge about the main principles of the both Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men and Law of Equal Treatment and, consequently, about institutional competences to secure implementation of these laws. Second, gender equality and discrimination are seen superficially in many cases, for example, equality is often confused with the leveling. It may indicate the presence of the gaps in the educational activities of equal rights and opportunities, and insufficient publicity of the Office's activities as well.

In general the text created by Web 2.0 community reflects the vitality of patriarchal culture in Lithuania. What is wonder that the theme of feminism and feminists as a social phenomenon and problem is actually ignored as well- it is a peculiarity that distinguishes the tex X from the most texts created by Web 2.0 community in response to the publications related to gender equality and discrimination issues published in DELFI It. since the possibility to comment publications has been introduced in the portal. The refusal to develop feminist topic in the text may be related rather to the rising of political correctness, i.e. self- censorship than to actual deconstruction of feminism as a public evil in popular discourse. At the same lime, one may suggest that in present Lithuania where the highest political jiuai u.c held by women, feminism potentially receives at least a neutral meaning in popular discourse. Despite the fact that the Office' activity is not directly reflected in the text, research data allows to make some conclusions in relation to significance of the Office in Lithuania. First of all, there is lack of knowledge about the main principles of the both Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men and Law of Equal Treatment and, consequently, about institutional competences to secure implementation of these laws. Second, gender equality and discrimination are seen superficially in many cases, for example, equality is often confused with the leveling. It may indicate the presence of the gaps in the educational activities of equal rights and opportunities, and insufficient publicity of the Office's activities as well.

Anti-globalist riots in Seattle in 1999 & the global anti-war demonstrations in 2003 not only made their way to the news headlines, but also received renewed academic attention. This article seeks to outline the differences between the traditional social movements & the new social movements. The first part of the article addresses the definition & classification issues of social movements. It also presents a comparison of three theoretical approaches (rational choice, Marxism & social constructivism) towards the phenomenon of social movement. The author concludes, that advocates of all three approaches present certain valuable insights on the causes & effects of this phenomenon. The second chapter of the article outlines presents trends & problems in the research of the social movements. It is argued that researchers of this subject face basically the same problems as all social scientists, first of the problems of comparability & the limits of qualitative methods. On the other it is assessed that new tools of quantitative analysis, information technologies significantly enhance the possibilities of research. By combining different theoretical approaches the author then seeks to outline the criteria of what could be the constitutive elements of the new social movements as opposed to the traditional ones. It is concluded that the new social movements can only exist in the postmodern or post-materialist societies where the questions of physical survival or national liberation are replaced by the questions of quality of life & self-expression. The new movements are also transnational in nature & their goals are usually universal (ecology, peace, rights of animals) rather than national (independence) or individual (employment, salary etc.). The new movements mobilize around collective identity & common values while the traditional movements mobilize around common goals of social or economic changes. The organization mode of the new movements is usually horizontal & the role of the leaders is rather limited while in the case of traditional movements the organization structure is strictly hierarchical & the role of the leader is essential. Finally the new movements are less prone to violence & rely more on the new technologies of communication & information. Building on the criteria outlined in the second part of the article, the final chapter discusses the case of Lithuania. It is concluded that the number & activities of the new social movements in Lithuania are very scarce. The most significant among such movements is the feminist movement, which is indeed rather active, & even have established ties with international feminist network. Traditional movements (in particular farmers, nationalists & neo-nazists, are still abundant in Lithuania. The authors argues that such imbalance between traditional & new movements could be a cause for concern as the number & activity of the new social movements is a good indicator of the maturity of the civil society in a country. The conclusion of the article reiterates the importance to continue the research of the phenomenon of the social movements. The warning of Ortega Y Gaset voiced in 1932 about the danger of the masses that have the supreme power in their hands is still relevant. Adapted from the source document.

Seeking to ensure full national security it is not enough just to guarantee alone State's national security – and security should be guaranteed for whole society's layers and their welfare. In order to guarantee full national security, should be ensured gender equality in the first instance, in all areas: social, military, economic and political. The ideology of feminism precisely declares the ideas of human rights, gender equality and gives more universal conception of security. It is not ensure just State's national security, but it implements economic State's growth, progress, implements the image of welfare State and develops the ideas of democratic culture and tolerance. It is important to guarantee external State's security, but also it is worth to regard to ensuring of State's internal security. Internal security – satisfaction the needs and welfare of sections of society determines existing of the united, stable society, which, if it necessary, might withstand, be resistant against the treats for national security. The master's thesis consists of an introduction, three teaching sections, conclusions and a list of references. The aim of the research – Articulation and conceptualization of the links and influences of national security with gender – feminist theory and highlighting, concretization and implementation of the positive and functional purpose of gender equality positive values in Lithuanian public security policy. The methodology of the research. In the first chapter is analyzing dispersion of feminism ideas and their problems, based on analytical, descriptive, historical and systemic methods. In the second chapter is highlighted interactions of national security and feminism, based on structural, functional, hermeneutic security as one of the goals of gender equality and interpretive, critical, and design methods. The third chapter concretizes gender equality issues in the context of Lithuania's national security, based on comparative, modeling and political forecasting methods. Conclusion. Full national security is not possible if is not ensured gender equality. Ensuring gender equality enables society's harmony, its stability, security, development of democratic culture, social modernization also existence of welfare State and its economic progress.