Suchergebnisse

This study aims to examine unreported issues on feminist in Thailand's southern unrest, and to explore their newsworthiness. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions of groups of academic experts, NGOs staffs, stringers and local news reporters, victims of the ongoing unrest, and youths in the area were conducted over a period of five months, starting from October 2010 to February 2011. This is to provide the data on what characteristics of information and stories relating to feminist that the key informants consider worth reporting during the crisis. The findings reveal that twelve unreported topics on feminists include (1) continuous aids and compensation for female victims, (2) ways to cope with the crisis, (3) government policy and solutions affecting females, (4) transformation of women's roles, (5) female participation in resolving problems and peace-building, (6) women's attitudes towards the southern unrest and possible ways out, (7) women's rights and roles in Islam, (8) women rights and gender equality, (9) women and education, (10) women and motherhood, (11) women's quality life and sexual violence, and (12) other issues relating Muslim women and their way of life, working women, women and social roles, women as career leaders, women as wives behind husbands' success, women as successful mothers, female reproductive issues, and women and the mass media. In addition, what should be dressed in the media include issues on (1) women working for social benefits, (2) women's participation in making a better society, (3) women applying religious knowledge to daily life, (4) women as roles model, (5) women behind family's success, and (6) educated women.

Gita Mehta is one of the most significant writers in Indian Writing in English whose writing mainly deals with Indian culture, tradition and political condition of India. Women are confined in the name of religion, customs, society and tradition. Most of Gita Mehta's female protagonists want to break such social taboos and establish an identity in the society. A River Sutra is her second novel which was published in 1993. Mehta has touched up the sense of male dominance, racial discrimination and one's continuous search for identity in this novel. This paper will show how the novel A River Sutra can be read from a feministic perspective. The key argument of the paper deals with women's hardship, suffering and self-identity in the patriarchal society.

Storm in Chandigarh is a work by Nayantara Sahgal, an Indian English writer with elite political lineage. She is the second daughter of Vijayalakshmi Pandit, the sister of the first Prime Minister of India Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru. Nayantara Sahgal was born in an aristocratic family in New Delhi with a strong political clout. Being part of a family at the centre of Indian polity, Nayantara Sahgal has the first hand experience of witnessing some of the most talked about political events of her times. From the literary point of view too, her maternal uncle Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, who himself was a great English writer, and Krishna Hutheesingh (younger sister of Vijayalakshmi Pandit) who was a great exponent amongst English writers from India, establish the genetic linkage to Nayantara Sahgal's emergence as a prodigy in English novelists from India. Nayantara Sahgal was married twice – first to Gautam Sahgal, who was a British official in pre-independence India, and was totally absorbed in British culture. After that she started to live with Mangat Rai, while both of them were married to other persons. It was a kind of outrageous act in those times and traditionally against the societal norms. Thus, Nayantara Sahgal to some extent was ahead of her times – at least in breaking the established norms of her times as far as man and woman relationship was concerned.

From the very first description of the two kingdoms on an island in Lochhead's play, a striking difference between them is perceived: England is described in terms of the order established and prosperity granted by its intelligent monarch, Elizabeth, whereas the Scottish insecure and problematic position is epitomized through the personal characteristics of its ruler – a beautiful lady, a foreigner, most commonly perceived as the last Queen of an independent Scotland, making an effort to rule the divided country. Inclined towards Catholicism, politically inexperienced and unskilled, Mary fails to recognize the fact well known to her powerful Protestant cousin, Elizabeth – a proper queen has to rule the kingdom with her head, and not with her heart. Written for the performance of the Communicado Theatre Company in 1987, as a tribute to the fourth hundred anniversary of Mary, Queen of Scots' death, Lochhead's play establishes the connection between the burning political issues in XVI and XX century Scotland. By relying on the critical insights of Finlayson, Greenblatt, Gonzales, Butler and Lochhead herself, the paper examines the nationalist and feminist issues in the play, as well as their relevance for the understanding of the Scottish identity. Key words: nationalism, feminism, stereotype, Reformation, Protestantism, Catholicism

Gender meaning of fundamentally different from biological sex. Biological sex is a gift; we are born as a man or a woman. However, the path that makes us masculine or feminine is a combination of the building blocks of basic biological and biological interpretation by our culture. From the tiny baby to reach old age, we learn and practice specific ways that have been determined by the community for us to be men and women. Gender is a set of roles as well as costumes and masks at the theater, convey to others that we are feminine or masculine. Device specific behaviors include appearance, dress, attitude, personality, work inside and outside the household, sexuality, family responsibilities and so together polish "gender roles" us. If someone mentions or asks about gender, then what is meant is gender in the context of language approach. This term became very commonly used in the last few decades. Feminist jurisprudence is a legal philosophy that is based on gender equality in politics, economic and social. Feminist jurisprudence unpacks and explain how the law plays a role to legalize the status of women in subordination to men, in other words, the law as a means to preserve the status quo, namely the dominance of men over women. Moreover, feminist jurisprudence is also trying to make a change/transformation changing the status of women by changing laws and its approach and its stance on gender cases be more fair and balanced. This is an emancipatory project woman in law. Keywords: Gender; Feminist Jurisprudence; justice; men and women.

ABSTRACT In this paper I analyze Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, and her TED Talk based off her book, "We Should All be Feminists." Adichie is a Nigerian woman who has firsthand experience with feminist issues of inequality and she serves as a speaker and activist for issues of feminism and beyond. She is a renowned author, activist, academic, and a feminist. In hearing of her personal experiences regarding inequality, I realized I am able to identify parallels between her experiences and the inequalities which I have faced despite our vastly different origin stories. The importance of her work as a feminist is emphasized in her rhetorical techniques, such as using personal narratives and public vocabulary to bring connection and a sense of equality to her audience. Adichie urges society to modify their actions in order to promote and normalize feminism in a positive light.

Do forces that impacted feminist beliefs in the past, such as gender and generation, impact feminist beliefs today within the context of abortion policy support? While the abortion rights issue was framed during the feminist movement era as a feminist issue, it is now clearly framed along partisan and ideological lines. Public opinion on issues that percolated through the feminist movement and identified as feminist issues in the past may no longer be viewed as feminist issues today. The abortion rights issue was chosen because of the oft-held perception that it is solely a women's issue. The strong association of abortion rights with the feminist movement makes opinion on abortion rights an appropriate domain in which to analyze the relative impact of gender, generation and feminist beliefs on policy support. Data from the 2004 American National Election Study showed that neither gender nor generation achieved a significant impact on feminist beliefs. Men's and women's exposure to the feminist movement, the ideals that the movement sought, and certain policies advanced by the movement, such as abortion rights, achieve disparate impact across generations among women and among men. These findings are critical when one questions how feminist policy questions will be approached and responded to by the public and political elites in the future as feminist beliefs may be a less meaningful precursor to both feminist policy support and issues framed in feminist terms than they have been in the past.

This project looks at political collaboration between people who self-identify as gay men and those who self-identify as feminists. These two groups have been political aligned on numerous issues since the 1970s. The goal of this project is to see on which issues that political collaboration will continue moving forward. This research draws extensively on oral interviews conducted with gay men and feminists, as well as the current work of national advocacy organizations to see where political interest is high, and where networks already exist to foster future advocacy efforts. By focusing on these areas, this project predicts which issues will likely generate a large political coalition, and which ones will be faced with obstacles to political unity.

This article moves away from issues of the impact of women and feminist scholarship on political science to examine the relationship of feminist political science to a political constituency. It traces the trajectory of feminist political science from its close relationship with women's movement activism in the 1970s to the highly professionalised disciplinary subfield of today. It highlights some of the dilemmas resulting both from professional imperatives and from the norms of research excellence stemming from new forms of research governance. It finds that feminist political science has been pushed towards addressing an international community of scholars in a language inaccessible to local publics. But it finds that despite such pressures, feminist political science has still sought to produce work that is of direct relevance to achieving women's movement goals, whether within public policy or within political institutions broadly conceived. While it may no longer be speaking the same language, it is still seeking to identify the obstacles to change and the possibilities for transformation. This can be seen particularly clearly in the area of research on the intersection of electoral systems, quotas and party structures. Yet even here tensions can emerge, as with the concept of 'critical mass', perceived by activists as a crucial discursive tool but problematised by feminist scholars.

This article moves away from issues of the impact of women and feminist scholarship on political science to examine the relationship of feminist political science to a political constituency. It traces the trajectory of feminist political science from its close relationship with women's movement activism in the 1970s to the highly professionalised disciplinary subfield of today. It highlights some of the dilemmas resulting both from professional imperatives and from the norms of research excellence stemming from new forms of research governance. It finds that feminist political science has been pushed towards addressing an international community of scholars in a language inaccessible to local publics. But it finds that despite such pressures, feminist political science has still sought to produce work that is of direct relevance to achieving women's movement goals, whether within public policy or within political institutions broadly conceived. While it may no longer be speaking the same language, it is still seeking to identify the obstacles to change and the possibilities for transformation. This can be seen particularly clearly in the area of research on the intersection of electoral systems, quotas and party structures. Yet even here tensions can emerge, as with the concept of 'critical mass', perceived by activists as a crucial discursive tool but problematised by feminist scholars.

The aim of this article is to analyse contemporary feminist comics by the Swedish comics artists Åsa Grennvall/Schagerström, Lotta Sjöberg and Sara Granér in relation to the ongoing movement called craftivism, as defined by Betsy Greer and her fellow crafters. The article argues that embroidered feminist comics can be regarded as comics craftivism, since, although similar to drawings, they are all sewn by needle and thread, and often thematise topics connected to craftivism's ideas concerning 'raising consciousness, creating a better world stitch by stitch'. The comics artists use embroidered comics to create 'wider conversations about uncomfortable issues', e.g. feminist issues, such as being trapped in a violent relationship as in Schagerström's cover image for Svinet [The Swine], or the unequal sharing of household work in Sjöberg's sequential story in Det kan alltid bli värre. [It can always get worse]. The feminist, craftivist comics artists are engaged in the politics of the handmade – narrating through textiles. The content concerns political, environmental and gender issues. Comics craftivism contributes to the renewal of the comics medium, and while experimenting artistically with materials and techniques, practitioners thematise new ideas as well as new perspectives on lingering problems, often with irony and humour. ; Contemporary Swedish Feminist Comics as Medium for Political Activism and Critique (VR2018-01165)

This essay examines the continued assumption that representational visibility equates to power, in the digital age. It considers the tension between the image as a form that captures what already exists and the image as a future possibility in the era of the mantra 'You cannot be what you cannot see' and growing recognition of gender fluidity. After re-examination of Peggy Phelan's reminder about the power of the unmarked, I turn to Ali Smith's 2014 How to be both, a novel with an interchangeable Renaissance narrative and contemporary story in a palimpsestic structure, to propose a formula that could be described as the becoming-simultaneous of narrative sequence. In conceiving the 'unnarrated' as both a gap in what was represented in retrospect in an existing storyworld but equally as a narrative future, I link the unmarked to political possibility, and conclude that you cannot always see what you can be.

The article represents critical reasoning about the emergence and development of feminist epistemology from 1980s until nowadays. Feminist epistemology started in part as a critique of traditional epistemology and dualisms underlying traditional epistemological projects. On the other side, feminist epistemologies do not represent merely a critique but they develop alternative theories to masculinistic theories of knowledge. Feminist epistemologies are based on the insight into the relationship between knowledge and power and they claim that there are not epistemological inquiries that are not at the same time political. The relationship between knowledge and politics can be seen in the case of the most developed feminist epistemological theories - standpoint theories that have different forms and variants. The article shows the field of feminist epistemology as highly dynamic, as a field where internal critiques of different approaches to epistemological problems have been already developed. As an example of this internal debate, the article examines critiques of standpoint theories developed within the framework of so called feminist postmodernism. ; Tekst predstavlja kritičko razmatranje nastanka i razvoja feminističke epistemologije od 1980-ih godina do današnjih dana. Feministička epistemologija nastaje jednim delom kao kritika tradicionalne epistemologije i dualizama koji su u osnovi tradicionalnih epistemoloških projekata. Sa druge strane, feminističke epistemologije se ne zadržavaju samo na nivou puke kritike već razvijaju i alternativne teorije maskulinističkim teorijama saznanja. Feminističke epistemologije počivaju na uverenju o vezi između znanja i moći i tvrde da ne postoje epistemološka razmatranja koja nisu istovremeno i politička. Veza između znanja i politike može se videti na primeru najrazvijenijih feminističkih epistemoloških teorija - standpoint teorija koje imaju različite oblike i varijante. Tekst pokazuje područje feminističke epistemologije kao izuzetno dinamično, kao područje u kome su već razvijene takozvane unutrašnje kritike različitih pristupa saznajnoj problematici. Kao primer unutrašnjeg spora, tekst razmatra pristup takozvanog feminističkog postmodernizma u čijem okviru su razvijene kritike standpoint teorija.

There are many questions surrounding feminism. Since the Women's Movement of the 1960's, there hasbeen an ongoing debate concerning the inclusion of women in leadership roles as well as the role ofwomen in research. The most frequently asked questions concerning women's roles in research, whichparallel those of women's leadership roles and styles, are: Is feminist research typically distinct fromother more mainstream research within the Social Sciences? And are there specific feminist methods?There has been a long-standing debate addressing such questions. If one believes that feminist research isresearch about women, by women, and for women, then one may conclude that there are distinct methodsthat feminists use to study the oppression of women. Also, if one believes, as does Liz Stanley (1993),that there is a direct relationship between feminist consciousness and feminism, then there is research thatis distinctly feminist. However, one could argue that no matter what the political ideologies of theresearcher, the research methods remain the same.In trying to answer the above posed questions, we need to examine not only political ideologies assuggested by Stanley. We also need to examine the goals of research, the assumptions made by theresearcher, the methods utilized by the researcher, the methodology, and epistemology that lay thefoundation for research. All these criteria will assist us in making clear distinctions between feministresearch and mainstream research. Yet, we must keep in mind that many researchers, including feministresearchers, continue to struggle with the very issues presented in this paper, which remain unresolved.Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to grant the reader with an overview of the debates and unresolvedissues surrounding feminist research.

There are many questions surrounding feminism. Since the Women's Movement of the 1960's, there hasbeen an ongoing debate concerning the inclusion of women in leadership roles as well as the role ofwomen in research. The most frequently asked questions concerning women's roles in research, whichparallel those of women's leadership roles and styles, are: Is feminist research typically distinct fromother more mainstream research within the Social Sciences? And are there specific feminist methods?There has been a long-standing debate addressing such questions. If one believes that feminist research isresearch about women, by women, and for women, then one may conclude that there are distinct methodsthat feminists use to study the oppression of women. Also, if one believes, as does Liz Stanley (1993),that there is a direct relationship between feminist consciousness and feminism, then there is research thatis distinctly feminist. However, one could argue that no matter what the political ideologies of theresearcher, the research methods remain the same.In trying to answer the above posed questions, we need to examine not only political ideologies assuggested by Stanley. We also need to examine the goals of research, the assumptions made by theresearcher, the methods utilized by the researcher, the methodology, and epistemology that lay thefoundation for research. All these criteria will assist us in making clear distinctions between feministresearch and mainstream research. Yet, we must keep in mind that many researchers, including feministresearchers, continue to struggle with the very issues presented in this paper, which remain unresolved.Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to grant the reader with an overview of the debates and unresolvedissues surrounding feminist research.