The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodology, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibility of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domination, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each individual person.
This master's thesis comprises ofthe analysis of Michel Foucault's political project, and attempts to explain the emergence of some public political discourses through the power relations, defined by Foucault, and the subject problematization discourses. Given that the thesis is in itself purely theoretical, acknowledgement of the practical use of the theories is rather narrow. In the first part of the thesis the use of genealogy as a method to purify history, largely used by Foucault, is defined, and the methods, that work well with the latter method are elaborated. Furthermore, through those interpretations of genealogy, Foucauldian notion of political is explained. The second part reviews historical and social events, that could have become presumptions for the emergence of the feminist theory, defined by the analysis of the feminine social construct, and political feminist movement, driven by the form of the dispositif of sexuality. The third part concentrates on the processes of normalization, which when applied on the discourses of sex makes it deconstruct. Herefore the questions, such as why sexuality, as a socially constructed event, is not and can not be totally political?, can be asked. Further, the global perspective is taken into account while trying to foresee the methods, which move any private subject and their problematization towards the public discourse and dresses them in the institutional uniform.
This master's thesis comprises ofthe analysis of Michel Foucault's political project, and attempts to explain the emergence of some public political discourses through the power relations, defined by Foucault, and the subject problematization discourses. Given that the thesis is in itself purely theoretical, acknowledgement of the practical use of the theories is rather narrow. In the first part of the thesis the use of genealogy as a method to purify history, largely used by Foucault, is defined, and the methods, that work well with the latter method are elaborated. Furthermore, through those interpretations of genealogy, Foucauldian notion of political is explained. The second part reviews historical and social events, that could have become presumptions for the emergence of the feminist theory, defined by the analysis of the feminine social construct, and political feminist movement, driven by the form of the dispositif of sexuality. The third part concentrates on the processes of normalization, which when applied on the discourses of sex makes it deconstruct. Herefore the questions, such as why sexuality, as a socially constructed event, is not and can not be totally political?, can be asked. Further, the global perspective is taken into account while trying to foresee the methods, which move any private subject and their problematization towards the public discourse and dresses them in the institutional uniform.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.
Seeking to ensure full national security it is not enough just to guarantee alone State's national security – and security should be guaranteed for whole society's layers and their welfare. In order to guarantee full national security, should be ensured gender equality in the first instance, in all areas: social, military, economic and political. The ideology of feminism precisely declares the ideas of human rights, gender equality and gives more universal conception of security. It is not ensure just State's national security, but it implements economic State's growth, progress, implements the image of welfare State and develops the ideas of democratic culture and tolerance. It is important to guarantee external State's security, but also it is worth to regard to ensuring of State's internal security. Internal security – satisfaction the needs and welfare of sections of society determines existing of the united, stable society, which, if it necessary, might withstand, be resistant against the treats for national security. The master's thesis consists of an introduction, three teaching sections, conclusions and a list of references. The aim of the research – Articulation and conceptualization of the links and influences of national security with gender – feminist theory and highlighting, concretization and implementation of the positive and functional purpose of gender equality positive values in Lithuanian public security policy. The methodology of the research. In the first chapter is analyzing dispersion of feminism ideas and their problems, based on analytical, descriptive, historical and systemic methods. In the second chapter is highlighted interactions of national security and feminism, based on structural, functional, hermeneutic security as one of the goals of gender equality and interpretive, critical, and design methods. The third chapter concretizes gender equality issues in the context of Lithuania's national security, based on comparative, modeling and political forecasting methods. Conclusion. Full national security is not possible if is not ensured gender equality. Ensuring gender equality enables society's harmony, its stability, security, development of democratic culture, social modernization also existence of welfare State and its economic progress.
This paper analyzes, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It will be achieved, firstly examining, what kind of political, judicial and public opinion context towards the LGBT groups surrounds lesbian and bisexual women. Also it will be answered by analyzing, how the different informants construct the group borders, e.g. Is there an LGBT community or a lesbian and bisexual community, who belongs there, how are the group boundaries constructed inside the group and how do they shift. Also it will be answered by examining, how do different informants see the possibilities of publicity, in order to reach for bigger visibility in the LGBT community and society. The aim of the research is to analyze, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. In the theoretical part of the research is based on feminist anthropology, especially with the focus on the aspects of identity and politics of beloninging, by considering the theory of intersectionality and queer. Research methodology includes: descriptive participant observation, semi-structured and focus-groups interviews, informal conversations. The ethnography reveals, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It shows, that in Lithuania there is quite a negative, homophobic and biphobic political and judicial context towards the LGBT questions, in which lesbian and bisexual women feel discriminated and/or invisible. The paper also reveals, how multilayered and multidimensional is an identity of lesbian and bisexual women and what different meaning does it have to the informants.
This paper analyzes, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It will be achieved, firstly examining, what kind of political, judicial and public opinion context towards the LGBT groups surrounds lesbian and bisexual women. Also it will be answered by analyzing, how the different informants construct the group borders, e.g. Is there an LGBT community or a lesbian and bisexual community, who belongs there, how are the group boundaries constructed inside the group and how do they shift. Also it will be answered by examining, how do different informants see the possibilities of publicity, in order to reach for bigger visibility in the LGBT community and society. The aim of the research is to analyze, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. In the theoretical part of the research is based on feminist anthropology, especially with the focus on the aspects of identity and politics of beloninging, by considering the theory of intersectionality and queer. Research methodology includes: descriptive participant observation, semi-structured and focus-groups interviews, informal conversations. The ethnography reveals, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It shows, that in Lithuania there is quite a negative, homophobic and biphobic political and judicial context towards the LGBT questions, in which lesbian and bisexual women feel discriminated and/or invisible. The paper also reveals, how multilayered and multidimensional is an identity of lesbian and bisexual women and what different meaning does it have to the informants.
This paper analyzes, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It will be achieved, firstly examining, what kind of political, judicial and public opinion context towards the LGBT groups surrounds lesbian and bisexual women. Also it will be answered by analyzing, how the different informants construct the group borders, e.g. Is there an LGBT community or a lesbian and bisexual community, who belongs there, how are the group boundaries constructed inside the group and how do they shift. Also it will be answered by examining, how do different informants see the possibilities of publicity, in order to reach for bigger visibility in the LGBT community and society. The aim of the research is to analyze, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. In the theoretical part of the research is based on feminist anthropology, especially with the focus on the aspects of identity and politics of beloninging, by considering the theory of intersectionality and queer. Research methodology includes: descriptive participant observation, semi-structured and focus-groups interviews, informal conversations. The ethnography reveals, how and in what ways is the commonness and difference of the lesbian and bisexual women created in the context of the LGBT community as well as in the context of a broader society. It shows, that in Lithuania there is quite a negative, homophobic and biphobic political and judicial context towards the LGBT questions, in which lesbian and bisexual women feel discriminated and/or invisible. The paper also reveals, how multilayered and multidimensional is an identity of lesbian and bisexual women and what different meaning does it have to the informants.