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Very little has been written on charitable laws in Fiji to date. Most of the organisations in Fiji seek incorporation under the pre-independence legislation dealing with charities, the Charitable Trusts Act (Cap 67). This Act is the basis of this paper. The key provisions of the Act are discussed in this paper. Recently serious questions have been raised on the status of charitable bodies with the de-registration of one of the registered charities (the Citizens' Constitutional Forum (CCF)) for political activity. This paper also provides an insight into the CCF 'saga', which goes to the 'heart' of the Act and examines the serious questions that are raised in interpreting the provisions in the Act. In the concluding part, various issues of reform in the charity sphere are also proposed.

Fiji, post-independence, has seen several governments, two military coups and, amidst sweeping social, economic and political changes, the presence of divisive identity politics in its journey towards a united, collective Fiji community. This republished edition of Confronting Fiji Futures takes in these landmark events and eventualities, and aims at a forward-looking assessment of the realities facing Fiji in the present and the future. It focuses on the period of the coups up to and including the 1999 general elections, when an explicitly multiethnic party won government in a surprise landslide result. This book is the result of a collaborative research project based at the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, in the Netherlands — an institution with a long tradition of collaborative teaching, research and advisory services in the South Pacific region. It aims to present a range of relevant issues from a number of vantage points. It has brought together a strong diversity of authors led by A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, including John Cameron, Ganesh Chand, Martin Doornbos, Yash Ghai, Holger Korth, Sunil Kumar, Biman Prasad, Jacqueline Leckie, Satendra Prasad, Steve Ratuva, Robbie Robertson, Ardeshir Sepehri and William Sutherland.

Much criticism of both the local and international media's role during the May 2000 coup in Fiji emerged after the crisis. Critics included editors and journalists of the local and international media and political and historical analysts who knew the 'real reasons' behind the coup and did not see this being reported. This article analyses interviews with 17 journalists, 13 local four foreign reporters, who covered the coup, and their reaction to criticisms made against them over coverage. It also assesses possible effects on some journalists by the so-called Stockholm syndrome because of their close association with businessman George Speight and his fellow captors who held the Mahendra Chaudhry government hostage for 56 days.

Poage's Passport Exhibit ; The "Sugar and Fiji" brochure details information about Fiji's sugar production, including statistics regarding the resource's harvest and exportation. ; Baylor Collection of Political Materials - W.R. Bob Poage Collection

Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart informa tion and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.- Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights When military strongman Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama staged his creeping coup d'état on 5 December 2006—Fiji's fourth in two decades—he was quick to declare: 'We will uphold media freedom' (cited in Foster, 2007). Barely two and a half years later, when he finished off the job with a putsch—dubbed 'coup 4.5' by some—and after having expelled three publishers, two New Zealand diplomats and five journalists over the intervening period, he told Radio New Zealand freedom of speech 'causes trouble' and must be curbed to allow the military government do its work (Bainimarama: Free speech 'causes trouble', 15 April 2009).

Doing business 2020 is the 17th in a series of annual studies investigating the regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. Doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies - from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe - and over time. Regulations affecting 12 areas of the life of a business are covered: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, employing workers, and contracting with the government. The employing workers and contracting with the government indicator sets are not included in this year's ranking on the ease of doing business. Data in doing business 2020 are current as of May 1, 2019. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms of business regulation have worked, where, and why. This economy profile presents indicators for Fiji; for 2020, Fiji ranks 102.

This article examines the cultural, political, ethnic and economic forces that have shaped the evolution of media legislation in Fiji and the evident impacts on journalism and society. The article argues that despite Fiji's British colonial heritage and its smooth transition to democracy after Independence in 1970, the spectre of stricter legislation has been a constant threat. This threat finally materialised in the post-2006 coup period, when media-related laws underwent a major overhaul, including the promulgation of the punitive Media Industry Development Decree 2010, which was later 'preserved' under the 2013 Constitution despite being labelled 'undemocratic'. The 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama, who was decisively voted back into power as Prime Minister in the 2014 General Election, justified the media reforms in the name of social stability and progress. This research uses document review to examine the genesis, nature and efficacy of Fiji's media-related laws, from the colonial to postcolonial periods, and beyond.

'What I have sought to do in my work is to give voiceless people a voice, place and purpose, the sense of dignity and inner strength that comes from never giving up no matter how difficult the circumstances. History belongs as much to the vanquished as to the victors.' — Brij V. Lal. 'Professor Brij Lal is the finest historian of the Indian indentured experience and the Indian diaspora. His Girmitiyas is a classic.' — Emeritus Professor Clem Seecharan, London Metropolitan University. 'Brij Lal is a highly respected, versatile and imaginative scholar who has made a lasting contribution to the historiography of the Pacific.' — Dr Rod Alley, Victoria University of Wellington. 'Professor Brij Lal's life is a remarkable journey of a scholar and an intellectual whose writings are truly transformative; a man of moral clarity and courage who also has deep pain at being cut off from his homeland.' — Professor Michael Wesley, Dean of the College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. 'Brij Lal is a singular scholar, whose work has spanned disciplines – from history, political commentary, encyclopedia, biography and "faction". Brij is without doubt the most eminent scholar in the humanities and social sciences Fiji has ever produced. He also remains one of the most significant public intellectuals of his country, despite having been banned from entering it in 2009.' — Emeritus Professor Clive Moore, University of Queensland. 'Brij Lal is an accomplished and versatile historian and true son of Fiji. Above all, there is affirmation here of the enduring worth of good literature and the value of good education that Lal received and wants others to experience. The world needs more Lals who speak out against ruling opinions and dare to stray into the pastures of independent thought.' — Professor Doug Munro, historian and biographer, Wellington, and Adjunct Professor at the University of Queensland

In a long-running Government dispute with the Fiji news media over professionalism, accountability and training ever since the May 1999 general election, this speech stirred the controversy to new heights.

The article analyses Fiji politics by utilising the analytical framework established by neo-Gramscian scholars, who emphasise the role of social forces and constitutive moments in the making of history. Elite hegemony in Fiji was founded on the hegemony of indigenous chiefs, local and transnational capital and indigenous nationalism. These three pillars of elite hegemony are central arguments of critical and cultural neo-Gramscian theories on power, social forces and neoliberal economic discourses and this neo-Gramscian approach provides both ontological and epistemological frameworks for the study of both hegemony and counter-hegemony in Fiji and reflect convergence, divergence, mobilisation, resistance, and control, and inform counter history and social reframing, where ethnic social forces collide with inter-ethnic alliances, creating new political counter-hegemonic paradigms that usher in new historical and social trajectories.

The country has an area of 18,000 km spread over 332 islands, of which about 110 are inhabited. Most of the population lives on two large islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. Fiji faces significant development challenges, and the government has set ambitious development objectives to address them. Economic growth in Fiji has been relatively slow in the last decades. Recently, the 20-year and 5-year National Development Plan was prepared to respond to this situation; its ambitious objectives are to more than double the real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita by 2036 and to provide universal access to all services, including housing, electricity, clean and safe water and sanitation, high-quality education, and health care.

Abstract: Fiji's 2014 election was its first in eight years, first under the 2013 constitution, and first using a common roll of electors with proportional representation. In the new parliament of 50 seats, the coup leader of 2006, Frank Bainimarama, em

Abstract: Fiji's 2014 election was its first in eight years, first under the 2013 constitution, and first using a common roll of electors with proportional representation. In the new parliament of 50 seats, the coup leader of 2006, Frank Bainimarama, em

Fiji's history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy.

Few people have been in the unique position of being able to observe and record the dramatic changes that have taken place in the islands of Fiji over the past 80 years than fourth-generation citizen, Daryl Tarte. He writes emotively, in great detail, about his personal experience of growing up on a remote island during the colonial era, when races were segregated, and white people lived an elite existence. Following independence, he has been personally involved with many of the key economic, political and social activities that have evolved and enabled the nation to progress during the 20th century. These include the sugar industry, tourism, commerce and industry, religion, the media, women and of course, the coups. His observations into the complexities of leadership in these areas of national development are fascinating and perceptive. Much of the story is told through the eyes of the many people of all races with whom he has interacted. Fiji is made up of over 300 unique islands. Tarte has been to many of them, and in a final chapter he gives an insightful commentary of how different they all are.