Suchergebnisse

The main objective of the present study was to characterize sex differences in the temporal discrimination and activity level of an animal model of attention deficit disorder (ADD) using a conjunctive 120-s variable interval 16-s differential reinforcement of low rate (VIDRL) schedule of reinforcement. The results showed that the spontaneously hypertensive (SHR) male was generally hyperactive and that the SHR female was both hyperactive and had severe time discrimination problems. The latter caused relatively fewer reinforcers to be delivered. However, even when a reinforcer was delivered, the SHR female frequently failed to collect it. When the SHR females were in diestrus, their behavior became even less efficient. The present findings with the animal model seem to be in general agreement with the behavior of ADD children when a DRL schedule is used. Most of our results were explained as due to impulsiveness, which is more pronounced in the SHR female than in the male. In addition, the SHR female had attention problems. The present study further supports the usefulness of the SHR as animal model of ADD.

Cet article offre une analyse comparative des émeutes françaises de 2005 et de celles qui ont eu lieu en Angleterre en 2011 en mobilisant le flashpoints model of public disorder . Les auteurs identifient et étudient la signification d'un certain nombre de facteurs causaux sous-jacents à l'œuvre dans ces deux épisodes d'émeute, et abordent à la fois les causes de fond (de court et long terme) et l'évènement « déclencheur » qui a permis qu'une violence potentielle latente débouche sur une émeute. L'article fournit un cadre analytique pour une étude comparative de ces importants épisodes d'émeute, et démontre que ce modèle demeure pertinent et continue d'offrir un cadre conceptuel solide, au sein duquel l'anatomie du désordre collectif peut être disséquée et comprise.

AbstractThis article responds to a recent suggestion by Borch (2006) that sociologists might profitably reconsider the 'group mind' explanation, propagated by nineteenth‐century French academics like Tarde and Le Bon, which emphasises the inherent suggestibility, amorality, and destructiveness of crowds as mechanisms of accounting for collective violence. In alluding to the recent French riots of October–November 2005 as an illustrative example, the article rejects the group mind approach (along with a host of other lay explanations appearing in the wake of the disorders) in favour of a multivariate analysis, loosely based on the Flashpoints Model of Public Disorder. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate how even the most intensely destructive, spontaneous and emotional acts of collective violence are typically underpinned by a guiding and restraining rationality.

<b><i>Background:</i></b> In France, most patients with opioid use disorder (OUD) have been treated by buprenorphine, prescribed by general practitioners (GP) in private practice since 1996. This has contributed to building a 'French model' facilitating access to treatment based on the involvement of GPs in buprenorphine prescription. <b><i>Objectives:</i></b> Our study aimed to assess whether the involvement of primary care in OUD management has changed lately. <b><i>Materials and Methods:</i></b> Using data from the French National Health Insurance database, we conducted a yearly repeated cross-sectional study (2009–2015) and described proportion of opioid maintenance treatment (OMT)-prescribing GPs and OMT-dispensing community pharmacies (CP); and number of patients by GP or CP. <b><i>Results:</i></b> Whereas the number of buprenorphine-prescribing GPs in private practice remained quite stable (decrease of 3%), a substantial decrease in buprenorphine initial prescribers among private GPs was observed. In 2009, 10.3% of private GPs (6,297 from 61,301 French private GPs) prescribed buprenorphine for the initiation of a treatment, whereas they were 5.7% (<i>n</i> = 3,539 from 62,071 private GPs) in 2015 (43.8% decrease). GPs issuing initial prescriptions of buprenorphine tended to care for a higher number of patients treated by buprenorphine (14.6 ± 27.1 patients in 2009 to 16.0 ± 35.4 patients in 2015). The number of CPs dispensing buprenorphine remained quite stable (decrease of 2%), while there was a 7.5% decrease in the total number of French CPs across the study period. <b><i>Conclusions:</i></b> Our results suggest that primary care providers seem less engaged in buprenorphine initiation in OUD patients, while CPs have not modified their involvement towards these patients.

The European Defence Agency (EDA) works in a policy area traditionally characterised by high diversity among actors regarding basic notions of what level of integration and which principles of interaction in the defence sector are appropriate for the EU, which countries should participate in defence cooperation, and what coordination mechanisms and instruments should be used. In all these dimensions, the EDA has been a flashpoint of institutional logics representing different visions of how various aspects of defence integration in the EU should be organised. There are tensions between the logic of supranational regulation and the logic of intergovernmental networking; between the logic of defence sovereignty and the logic of pooled defence resources; between the Europeanist and the Euro-Atlanticist logic; and finally between the logics of liberalisation and Europeanisation of the defence market. Studying the ways in which the collisions of institutional logics are being accommodated by the EDA can contribute to greater understanding of the emerging political order of European defence. Adapted from the source document.

Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-West confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available.