Suchergebnisse

ITALIANO: L'articolo paragona l'impegno politico del domenicano Remigio de' Girolami con quello di Dante Alighieri tra 1293 e 1302, concentrando l'analisi su Remigio. Dopo aver presentato gli orientamenti politici del suo ambiente d'origine, esamina la sua partecipazione alla vita politica fiorentina negli anni 1293-1301, e descrive il suo atteggiamento dopo la vittoria dei Guelfi neri nel 1302; procede infine al confronto con Dante. Le due vite parallele rivelano alcuni punti di contatto tra le due personalità, ad esempio, le reazioni alla cacciata dei Guelfi bianchi dalla scena politica fiorentina. / ENGLISH: The contribution compares the political engagement of the Dominican Remigio de' Girolami and Dante Alighieri between 1293 and 1302, concentrating on Remigio. After presenting the political orientations of his original milieu, it examines his participation in Forentine political life in the years 1293-1301, then describes his attitude after the victory of the Black Guelphs in 1302, and finally, compares the political career of Remigio to Dante's. These parallel lives illuminate certain points of contacts between these two personalities as well as their reactions to the ban of the White Guelphs from Florence.

Nella cultura politica fiorentina del tardo Duecento, l'appartenenza alla civitas e il richiamo al bonum commune sono rivendicati anche dai banditi e dai fuorusciti.

Ludovico Capponi (1534-1614) commissioned the painter Bernardino Poccetti (1548-1612) to decorate the Sala Grande of his palace in Florence around 1580. The subject of the elaborate programme was the political and military accomplishments of the Capponi family. By means of a text on the wall, Ludovico invites the viewer to consider these deeds as examples and incitements to virtue. He makes himself part of their virtuous history by having his own portrait painted alongside these heroic ancestors. The image of Ludovico as a perfect Florentine citizen is also displayed in his biography, written by Girolamo Muzio (1496-1576) in 1574. By highlighting Ludovico's noble and reputable qualities, Muzio portrays him as a true gentiluomo. Through these works of art, Ludovico created his own image, and made himself the example of true Florentine citizenship. ; Ludovico Capponi (1534-1614) commissioned the painter Bernardino Poccetti (1548-1612) to decorate the Sala Grande of his palace in Florence around 1580. The subject of the elaborate programme was the political and military accomplishments of the Capponi family. By means of a text on the wall, Ludovico invites the viewer to consider these deeds as examples and incitements to virtue. He makes himself part of their virtuous history by having his own portrait painted alongside these heroic ancestors. The image of Ludovico as a perfect Florentine citizen is also displayed in his biography, written by Girolamo Muzio (1496-1576) in 1574. By highlighting Ludovico's noble and reputable qualities, Muzio portrays him as a true gentiluomo. Through these works of art, Ludovico created his own image, and made himself the example of true Florentine citizenship.

Pubblicato nel luglio del 1930 come "numero zero" di una rivista destinata a non vedere la luce, «Il Rosai» è un documento tra i più importanti di quello che oggi chiamiamo fascismo-movimento. Vi collaborano tra gli altri, raccolti dall'ammirazione per il pittore fiorentino di cui porta il nome, Ottone Rosai appunto, Berto Ricci, "superfascista" che di lì a poco concepirà «L'Universale» come prosecuzione diretta de «Il Rosai»; Dino Garrone, scrittore e polemista tra i più brillanti della sua generazione e Edoardo Persico, cattolico integrale e antifascista, vicino tuttavia agli altri redattori nel proposito di riforma antiborghese dell'Italia di allora. «Il Rosai» è un incunabolo di quell'interventismo della cultura di cui ha scritto a lungo Luisa Mangoni; e insieme raccoglie urgenze e inquietudini che spingeranno in seguito al lungo viaggio. Ne «Il Rosai» riconosciamo anche, ai suoi inizi, un tratto di lungo periodo della storia culturale italiana del Novecento, vale a dire l'investitura insieme religiosa e civile di un artista o gruppo di artisti. Sotto questo profilo il significato storicodell'opuscolo si estende ben oltre il tempo della sua pubblicazione. Mentre autorizza a dubitare della legittimità della categoria storico-politica del "fascismo di sinistra", «Il Rosai» prefigura l'intreccio tra arte e politica che costituisce forse il più rilevante trait- d'union tra leavanguardie artistiche italiane degli anni Trenta e le avanguardie postbelliche, Arte povera inclusa, malgrado il profondo mutamento dicontesti geopolitici e ideologie.Published in July 1930 as the trial issue of a magazine to come, «Il Rosai» is a higly relevant document of what we call fascismo-movimento. Collaborate on «Il Rosai» Berto Ricci, "superfascist" and mystic of the national revolution; Dino Garrone, even "superfascist", writer and journalist, close to D'Annunzio and Malaparte; Gioacchino Contri, editor in chief of the florentine fascist magazine Il Bargello; and Edoardo Persico, catholic and anti- fascist, grown-up with Piero Gobetti between Neaples and Turin. They were gathered by the admiration for Ottone Rosai (1895-1957), the Florentine painter that gives the pamphlet its name, First World War ardito, patriot and fascist. «Il Rosai» is a sort of incunabulum of juvenile cultural dissent against Mussolini's regime: as such, it anticipates future anxieties and explores topics we find again associated with artistic or cultural moviments of the late Thirties|early Fourties, as Corrente di vita giovanile, if not later (as for example Arte povera). A closer analysis of «Il Rosai» pushes also, both on historical and ideologicalevels, to critically discuss the notion of «Left-Wing Fascism» and to ask if, and when, we can make a proper use of it. Politically distant as they are, Ricci and Garrone, Persico and Contri demand a major public role of the artist, whose duty, in their opinion, is to be a sort of political «saint» or|and a social hero, brave, selfless, sincere. Pushed pretty beyond its aesthetical limits in a way we can legitimatelybeware, art presents itself in «Il Rosai» as the most effective surrogate of politics.

Il contributo discute la posizione di Dante e Dino nei confronti del regime di Popolo, analizzando alcuni luoghi delle loro opere. Poche e ambigue le tracce lasciate dall'esperienza politica popolana in Dante, sì che il suo atteggiamento si distingue male dal senso culturale di superiorità nei confronti del volgo irragionevole e dal distacco critico sempre più forte nei confronti di Firenze. Più esplicito e circoscritto in una prospettiva municipale è Dino, che critica faziosità e superbia dei magnati, riconoscendo il valore pericoloso di alcuni di essi senza risparmiare accuse di debolezze e falsità ai popolani. ; The paper discuss the problem of Dante's and Dino's position towards the regime of Popolo. At this purpose it analyzes some points of their works. The political experience in the Florentine Popular Commune left few and ambiguous traces in Dante's works: his attitude towards the Popolo can be badly distinguished from the cultural sense of superiority over the unreasonable common people and the increasingly strong critical detachment against Florence. The political discourse of Dino is more explicit and municipal: he criticizes factionalism and arrogance of the "magnati", recognizing the dangerous value of some of them, but does not spare complaints in weakness and falsehood of the "popolani".

The Italian political unification is a process starting in 1861. The next ten years, until the freeing of Rome, are a period of strong changes because the the new nation starts by heavier backwardness conditions compared to other European nations.The basic conditionings that bound the new nation are summarized in some causes: an underdeveloped economic system where there are areas of industrial development; a significant shortage of mineral and energy resources; and an urban structure that is still that of the sixteenth century, the last brightness period of the Italian cities. The same internal communication system is composed of a basic road network which is still one of Roman origin and of isolated sections of rail network, with few links among the pre-unity nations.Particular attention should be paid on the impact of the economic processes on the cities: they have a strong impact on European cities since the early nineteenth century, but their impact on Italian cities (beginning from the main northern cities, Milan and Turin) is more limited, if compared with the transformations concerning other continental cities.The unification starting from 1861 imposes additional critical elements, because the Italian urban structure is not ready to the event, particularly for the choice of the capital city. A city that can rightfully define itself as capital exists, and it is Turin; but it is peripheral to the rest of the Italian territory. Furthermore there is an in pectore capital city, Rome, that is the symbolic centre of the Italian history. But the city has to wait another ten years to join to the rest of Italy. The solution is to temporarily move the capitol to Florence, even if nobody explicitly says it to Florentines! The step from Turin to Florence, and from Florence to Rome sets in motion a complex organizational mechanism and a significant money's amount, invested in the effort to bring the two cities to the new role.Before Florence, then Rome (two cities that represent a fundamental part of artistic and cultural national heritage) see the opportunity to modernize their urban structure. Urban plans are also formed for this purpose, although the instruments are deficient in relation to their technical capacity and the public administrations have low authority in the driving of the transformations. Instead, private investors and national and international banks will have open hand, facilitated from the new liberal State that will not hinder the freedom of action of private capitals.The paper want to identify the major changes occurred in the three capital cities (Turin, Florence, and Rome) investigating the urban processes and the main events in the period from 1861 to 1900. The unification acts on the three cities in different ways. In 1861 they are very different from each other, with a single similar factor, the number of inhabitants (about 150,000 each). The process of building of the new nation acts on the cities changing even more their characters and extending their differences. ; La costruzione dello stato unitario, avvenuta nell'arco di un decennio (1861-1871) portò alla necessità di spostare la capitale del Regno in un percorso di avvicinamento a Roma. Da Torino la capitale fu prima spostata a Firenze (1865), poi nel suo luogo naturale, Roma (1871). Gli spostamenti non comportarono solo conseguenze di ordine politico. Esse portarono anche alla necessità di intervenire sulla struttura urbana delle città per renderle capaci di accogliere la nuova funzione. Sia Torino che Firenze che, in misura maggiore, Roma, subirono rilevanti trasformazioni urbane, nel solco dei processi trasformativi che interessarono le città Ottocentesche d'Europa.Obiettivo dell'articolo è:- analizzare i caratteri urbanistici delle città al 1861;- individuare le trasformazioni riconducibili al loro status di capitale;- definire gli impatti di tali azioni fino ai giorni nostri- individuare gli influssi causati dall'evoluzione delle infrastrutture di trasporto sulla struttura urbana.

The Italian political unification is a process starting in 1861. The next ten years, until the freeing of Rome, are a period of strong changes because the the new nation starts by heavier backwardness conditions compared to other European nations.The basic conditionings that bound the new nation are summarized in some causes: an underdeveloped economic system where there are areas of industrial development; a significant shortage of mineral and energy resources; and an urban structure that is still that of the sixteenth century, the last brightness period of the Italian cities. The same internal communication system is composed of a basic road network which is still one of Roman origin and of isolated sections of rail network, with few links among the pre-unity nations.Particular attention should be paid on the impact of the economic processes on the cities: they have a strong impact on European cities since the early nineteenth century, but their impact on Italian cities (beginning from the main northern cities, Milan and Turin) is more limited, if compared with the transformations concerning other continental cities.The unification starting from 1861 imposes additional critical elements, because the Italian urban structure is not ready to the event, particularly for the choice of the capital city. A city that can rightfully define itself as capital exists, and it is Turin; but it is peripheral to the rest of the Italian territory. Furthermore there is an in pectore capital city, Rome, that is the symbolic centre of the Italian history. But the city has to wait another ten years to join to the rest of Italy. The solution is to temporarily move the capitol to Florence, even if nobody explicitly says it to Florentines! The step from Turin to Florence, and from Florence to Rome sets in motion a complex organizational mechanism and a significant money's amount, invested in the effort to bring the two cities to the new role.Before Florence, then Rome (two cities that represent a fundamental part of artistic and cultural national heritage) see the opportunity to modernize their urban structure. Urban plans are also formed for this purpose, although the instruments are deficient in relation to their technical capacity and the public administrations have low authority in the driving of the transformations. Instead, private investors and national and international banks will have open hand, facilitated from the new liberal State that will not hinder the freedom of action of private capitals.The paper want to identify the major changes occurred in the three capital cities (Turin, Florence, and Rome) investigating the urban processes and the main events in the period from 1861 to 1900. The unification acts on the three cities in different ways. In 1861 they are very different from each other, with a single similar factor, the number of inhabitants (about 150,000 each). The process of building of the new nation acts on the cities changing even more their characters and extending their differences. ; La costruzione dello stato unitario, avvenuta nell'arco di un decennio (1861-1871) portò alla necessità di spostare la capitale del Regno in un percorso di avvicinamento a Roma. Da Torino la capitale fu prima spostata a Firenze (1865), poi nel suo luogo naturale, Roma (1871). Gli spostamenti non comportarono solo conseguenze di ordine politico. Esse portarono anche alla necessità di intervenire sulla struttura urbana delle città per renderle capaci di accogliere la nuova funzione. Sia Torino che Firenze che, in misura maggiore, Roma, subirono rilevanti trasformazioni urbane, nel solco dei processi trasformativi che interessarono le città Ottocentesche d'Europa.Obiettivo dell'articolo è:- analizzare i caratteri urbanistici delle città al 1861;- individuare le trasformazioni riconducibili al loro status di capitale;- definire gli impatti di tali azioni fino ai giorni nostri- individuare gli influssi causati dall'evoluzione delle infrastrutture di trasporto sulla struttura urbana.

Abstract ; Il contributo discute la posizione di Dante e Dino nei confronti del regime di Popolo, analizzando alcuni luoghi delle loro opere. Poche e ambigue le tracce lasciate dall'esperienza politica popolana in Dante, sì che il suo atteggiamento si distingue male dal senso culturale di superiorità nei confronti del volgo irragionevole e dal distacco critico sempre più forte nei confronti di Firenze. Più esplicito e circoscritto in una prospettiva municipale è Dino, che critica faziosità e superbia dei magnati, riconoscendo il valore pericoloso di alcuni di essi senza risparmiare accuse di debolezze e falsità ai popolani. ; SeriesInformation ; Reti Medievali Rivista, Vol 18, No 1 (2017): Forthcoming