Suchergebnisse

Romania belongs to the group of the new EU members that are committed by the Treaty to adopt the euro, which implies that they must strive to fulfill all the nominal convergence criteria. Analyzing the Greece's monetary experience towards the EMU and its available policy instruments for this goal, this paper tries to derive some challenging lessons for Romania on its path to euro adoption. The present Greek debt crisis and the background of the global financial crisis are also taken into consideration. The Greek situation shows that an overly ambitious timetable and effort for adopting the single currency can be rather costly for the country concerned and the endeavor to improve the performance of the economy must be a permanent process and not be limited to satisfying the Maastricht convergence criteria. ; peer-reviewed

Soviet foreign policy has since 1985 continued to undergo profound changes. The Asia-Pacific region has received greater attention under the Soviet leader M. Gorbachev. In line with the new foreign policy approach and the new policy towards the Asia-Pacific region, Soviet policy towards Southeast Asia has undergone significant, although gradual, change since Gorbachev assumed office. The article examines Soviet policy towards Southeast Asia with special reference to Soviet commitment to a negotiated settlement of the Cambodian conflict, to the restructuring of the USSR's relations with Vietnam and the improvement in the USSR's relations with the ASEAN countries. (DÜI-Sen)

Belt and road initiative -- India's response to BRI: South and South East Asia -- India's response to BRI: central Asia and Afghanistan -- Section II -- India and China in Europe -- India and China in Africa -- India in the Indian Ocean Region -- India and China in Latin America -- Section III -- France and India in the Indo-Pacific -- Japan and India in the Indo-Pacific -- US-India Relations: A Quasi Alliance? -- Russia-India Relations: New Level of Cooperation? -- Prospects.

Der Autor untersucht die Faktoren, welche die bilateralen Beziehungen zwischen Ägypten und dem Sudan während der Regierungszeit von Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir im Sudan bestimmten. Dabei wird u.a. auf folgende Punkte eingegangen: den Grenzkonflikt um die Region von Hala'ib, US-amerikanische Nahostpolitik und den Golfkrieg von 1990/91, Sudans islamistische Ausrichtung und Hasan Abdallah al-Turabis Einfluss, das versuchte Attentat auf den ägyptischen Präsidenten Husni Mubarak vom 26.6.1995. (DÜI-Mjr)

Chinese migration and entangled histories -- Politics of memory making -- Local and transnational entanglements -- From China to Singapore -- Beyond working lives -- Samsui women Ma Cheh, and other foreign workers -- Conclusion: social constructions of the past.

The objective of this paper is the identification of a link between internal armed conflict presence (IAC) and foreign direct investment (FDI) through an econometric model of multiple regressions with panel data is the main objective of this paper. The particular case of Colombia is analyzed with the purpose of determining if there is any incidence of armed conflict presence on FDI flows. Main results show a negative relation between foreign direct investment flows in countries with armed conflict and military expenditure. Additionally, the evidence shows that FDI behavior in Colombia is mainly determined by economic conditions and not conflict situation. ; La identificación de una relación entre la presencia de conflicto armado interno (CAI) y la inversión extranjera directa (IED) mediante un modelo econométrico de regresión múltiple con datos panel es el objetivo central de este documento. Adicionalmente, se analiza el caso particular colombiano con el fin de determinar que tanta incidencia tiene la presencia de conflicto en el flujo de IED en su economía. Los principales hallazgos muestran una relación negativa entre los flujos de inversión extranjera directa en los países con conflicto armado interno y el gasto militar. Adicionalmente, se evidencia que el comportamiento de la IED en Colombia está determinado principalmente por las condiciones económicas y no por la situación de conflicto. ; A identificação de uma relação entre presença de um conflito armado interno (CAI) e investimento estrangeiro direto (IED), utilizando um modelo econométrico de regressão múltipla com dados em painel é o objetivo central deste documento. Analisamos o caso colombiano para determinar o quanto impacto tem a presença de confl ito no fl uxo de IDE em sua economia. Os principais resultados mostraram uma relação negativa entre gasto militar e fluxo de IED em países com confl ito armado interno. Além disso, o comportamento do IED na Colômbia é determinado pelas condições econômicas e não pelo conflito.

The objective of this paper is the identification of a link between internal armed conflict presence (IAC) and foreign direct investment (FDI) through an econometric model of multiple regressions with panel data is the main objective of this paper. The particular case of Colombia is analyzed with the purpose of determining if there is any incidence of armed conflict presence on FDI flows. Main results show a negative relation between foreign direct investment flows in countries with armed conflict and military expenditure. Additionally, the evidence shows that FDI behavior in Colombia is mainly determined by economic conditions and not conflict situation. ; La identificación de una relación entre la presencia de conflicto armado interno (CAI) y la inversión extranjera directa (IED) mediante un modelo econométrico de regresión múltiple con datos panel es el objetivo central de este documento. Adicionalmente, se analiza el caso particular colombiano con el fin de determinar que tanta incidencia tiene la presencia de conflicto en el flujo de IED en su economía. Los principales hallazgos muestran una relación negativa entre los flujos de inversión extranjera directa en los países con conflicto armado interno y el gasto militar. Adicionalmente, se evidencia que el comportamiento de la IED en Colombia está determinado principalmente por las condiciones económicas y no por la situación de conflicto. ; A identificação de uma relação entre presença de um conflito armado interno (CAI) e investimento estrangeiro direto (IED), utilizando um modelo econométrico de regressão múltipla com dados em painel é o objetivo central deste documento. Analisamos o caso colombiano para determinar o quanto impacto tem a presença de confl ito no fl uxo de IDE em sua economia. Os principais resultados mostraram uma relação negativa entre gasto militar e fluxo de IED em países com confl ito armado interno. Além disso, o comportamento do IED na Colômbia é determinado pelas condições econômicas e não pelo conflito.

The Middle East and the United States brings together scholars and policy experts to provide an empirical and balanced assessment of US policy in the Middle East from the end of WWI to the present. Carefully edited by David W. Lesch and Mark L. Haas, this text provides a broad and authoritative understanding of US foreign policy in the Middle East. The sixth edition has been significantly revised throughout to include a new part structure and part introductions that provides students with greater context for understanding the history of US involvement in the Middle East. The five parts cover the watershed moments and major challenges the US faces in the Middle East, from the Cold War proxy wars and the Arab-Israeli conflict to the Gulf wars and the upheaval of the post-Arab uprisings era. Three new chapters-on the Golan negotiations, on US-Saudi relations, and on the US fight against al-Qa'ida and ISIS-make this the most current and comprehensive book on the United States' involvement in the Middle East

Comments on Aleksandras Shtromas's article on peace & how it can achieved & Gordon L. Anderson's consequent comment (see abstracts in SA 45:3). When social life was depoliticized & the private sector dominated the state, 1815-1914, there were relatively few wars & few cries for a global political organization for peace. Once the ideal of political & economic collectivism superseded the classic liberal ideal, man & society were repoliticized. This led to WWI & the drive for monopolized markets, regulation of trade, & militarization of internal relations. Private interests became subservient to the state & welfare statism. Shtromas's call for peace comes with the prerequisite of social justice, but there is no world consensus about politics or justice. It is argued that social justice is just powerful group interests espousing an ideology of redistributivism. In contrast, Anderson suggests that social justice is best left to private sector financing. On the topic of self-determination, Anderson also espouses privatization of foreign intervention, while Shtromas calls for the supranational institution of the League of Peace. M. Pflum