Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se prikazuje sustav lokalne samouprave u dvije europske zemlje, Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Obrađuju se razine, broj i vrsta teritorijalnih jedinica te organizacija i struktura njihovih lokalnih samouprava. Prikazuju se različiti institucionalni oblici međuopćinskog povezivanja i suradnje koji proizlaze iz duge tradicije, ali i teritorijalnih reformi novijeg datuma. Uspoređuju se modernizacijske i menadžerske reforme lokalne samouprave od 1980-ih na- dalje te se prati proces njihova provođenja koji se u Njemačkoj uglavnom pokretao odozdo (bottom-up), dok ga je u Francuskoj vodila središnja država (top-down). ; The authors have described local self-government systems in Germany and France. They have analysed the levels, the number and type of territorial units, and the organisation and structure of German and French local self-governments. Different institutional forms of intermunicipal cooperation and connections springing from a long tradition, as well as from relatively recent territorial reforms, are shown. Modernisation and managerial reforms of local self-government since the 1980s onwards are compared, together with the process of their implementation, which has been conducted bottom-up in Germany and top-down in France.

Predmet ovoga rada je prikaz i kompracija politika obveznog vojnog roka u tri europske države, Francuskoj, Finskoj i Norveškoj. Cilj je analizirati nekoliko država unutar europskog konteksta s obzirom na: utjecaj geografskih i geopolitičkih faktora na sigurnosne i obrambene strategije; različit vojno-politički položaj s obzirom na članstvo u političkim i vojnim savezima, odnosno NATO-u i Europskoj uniji; različite regionalne odnose, sigurnosno okruženje i različita povijesna iskustva te na koji način ti faktori utječu na politiku obveznog vojnoga roka, odnosno na model popunjavanja vojnih jedinica. Rad je zamišljen kao komparativna studija slučaja triju europskih država, a temelji se na pregledu već postojećih tekstova i istraživanja. U prvom dijelu rada definira se obvezni vojni rok, njegov povijesni razvoj i moderni trendovi. U drugom dijelu razmatra se Francuska i razvoj obveznog vojnog roka do njegovog ukidanja. Zatim se razmatra Norveška, obvezni vojni rok te njeno članstvo u NATO savezu. U četvrtom dijelu razmatra se Finska kao država izvan vojnih saveza i njena politika obveznog vojnog roka. Rad završava komparacijom ovih država te se zaključuje kako mnogi različiti faktori utječu na politiku obveznog vojnog roka. ; The subject of this paper is the presentation and comparison of compulsory military service policies in three European countries, France, Finland, and Norway. The aim is to analyze several countries within the European context with regards to the impact of geographical and geopolitical factors on security and defense strategies; different military and political positions with regard to membership in political and military alliances, namely NATO and the European Union; different regional relations, security environment, and different historical experiences, and how these factors affect the military conscription policy, or the model of military unit replenishment. The paper is conceived as a comparative case study of three European countries, based on a review of existing texts and research. The ...

Rad pručava politike razvojne pomoći kao instrumente moći za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva koji koriste u prvom redu državama-inicijatoricama. Rad se fokusira na dvije velike europske zemlje: Francusku Republiku i Saveznu Republiku Njemačke, koje su ujedno gospodarski i politički najmoćnije zemlje članice Europske unije. Promjenom paradigme, iz one u kojoj najveću korist od politika razvojne pomoći imaju slabije razvijene zemlje u paradigmu kako dugoročno najveću korist imaju upravo zemlje koje su inicijatorice istih, rad pokazuje da starije, veće te politički i ekonomski moćnije države članice Europske unije koriste politike razvojne pomoći prema slabije razvijenim članicama, prema zemljama kandidatkinjama te ostalim zemljama, kako bi promovirale vlastiti interes i ostvarile ciljeve svoje vanjske politike. Konačno, pokazujući vezu između politika razvojne pomoći i širenja utjecaja i moći Francuske i Njemačke, rad stvora pretpostavke za novo objašnjenje odnosa moći u međunarodnom okruženju. ; The dissertation examines how the development aid policy, both in the context of national budgets and European Structural and Investment Funds, is being used as an instrument for achieving foreign policy objectives, and it is in this sense primarily beneficial for countriesdonators. Dissertation is focussed on two main European Union member states: the Republic of France and Federal Republic of Germany. By changing the paradigm from the one in which the least developed countries have the most benefit from development aid policy to the paradigm that, on the long-term, greatest benefits precisely have the countries that are the initiators of the same development aid, dissertation argues that older, bigger, politically and economically more powerful European Union member states use development policies assisting less developed members, candidate and other countries to promote their own interests and achieve goals of their foreign policy. In attempt to demonstrate the influence of France and Germany through development ...

Populizam je aktualan politički fenomen o kojem se mnogo raspravlja u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća. Postavlja se pitanje kako se i zašto pojavljuje u nekim zemljama, dok u drugima ne. U radu nastojim putem višestruke studije slučaja objasniti kako se ključni politički lideri u Francuskoj, Turskoj i Kanadi koriste populističkim diskursom. Ono što im omogućuje artikuliranje populizma u govorima su različito pojmljene krize i politička kultura. U Francuskoj i Turskoj Marine Le Pen i Recep Tayyip Erdoğan u svojim kampanjskim videspotovima koriste se populističkom retorikom kako bi mobilizirali narod. Riječ je o populističkom konceptu naroda, a ne o cijelom narodu unutar njihovih zemalja. U Francuskoj Marine Le Pen zastupa protuimigracijsku politiku i nastoji stvoriti egzistencijalni strah, kriveći političke elite koje naziva oligarhijom za migrantsku krizu i podređivanje nacionalnih interesima onima Europske Unije. U Turskoj Erdoğan kritizira sekularizam, opoziciju, Zapad i Europsku Uniju, čime udara u temelje stupova demokracije republike Turske, stvarajući tako u zemlji krizu demokracije. U Kanadi se populizam veže za premijera Justina Trudeaua, no u ovom slučaju je riječ o "krnjem" populizmu u kojem nedostaje nužan koncept političkih elita i "opasnih drugih". U Kanadi do populizma kakav se pojavljuje u Francuskoj i Kanadi ne može doći zbog multikulturalizma koji je na snazi u ovoj federalnoj državi. ; Populism is an actual political phenomenon, about which there has been a lot of discussion during last few decades. The question is why does it appear in some states, and in some not. In my paper I am trying to explain, by using multiple case-study, how do key political leaders in France, Turkey and Canada use populist discourse. They are in possibility to use populism in their speeches because of different types of crisis in their states and also different political culture. In France and Turkey, Marine Le Pen and Recep Tayyip Erdogan are usinbg populist rhetoric in their campaign videospots to mobilize the ...

The author aims to present the etymology and history of the laicity principle as an important part of the political history of the West, particularly of France. The laicity idea has a very important place in the context of church-state relations, of separation of the two, and of their cooperation in certain areas (in models of cooperation). Since the concepts of laicity, secularism, secularisation and laicisation are often used in such a way as to make clear distinction impossible, an outline of their fundamental distinctions and an elucidation of possible ways of their use in political science seem to be fully justified. With regard to their etymological origins (Greek, Latin and French sources), the above-mentioned concepts are part of the common European tradition of establishing relations between the church and the state, relying on foundations which have demonstrated, in the course of history, their importance and various political applications. Adapted from the source document.

Rad kritički evaluira postoji li (ne)podudaranje između teorije javnog medijskog servisa i njegove politike i strateških dokumenata kada je riječ o idejama uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Najprije se teorijski nastoji uokviriti ova rasprava, tako da se razmatra pet zadaća uključivanja medijskih publika u javni medijski servis. Potom se istražuje kako BBC (Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo), France Télévisions (Francuska), VRT (Flandrija, Belgija) i NPO (Nizozemska) trebaju (politika) i namjeravaju (strategija) uključiti svoje medijske publike. Odabrani slučajevi daju uvid u bolje financirane (BBC, FTV) i manje javne medijske servise (VRT, NPO), kao i u različite medijske sustave. Upotrijebljena je metoda goal-means tree analiza, tip kvalitativne analize dokumenata kojoj je svrha otkrivanje odnosa između cilja i sredstava u politici i strateškim tekstovima. Glavni je argument da je ovdje prije riječ o nekim upitnim, normativnim pretpostavkama iz teorije o javnom medijskom servisu i uključenosti publike, koje su prenesene i u tekstove o politici i strategiji javnog medijskog servisa, a ne o nepodudaranju između teorije, politike i strategije javnog medijskog servisa. ; The article critically evaluates whether there is a (mis)match between ideas on audience involvement in public service media (PSM) theory and the translation thereof in public broadcasters' policy and strategy documents. The literature section theoretically frames this discussion, first, discussing five objectives of PSM and audience involvement. Subsequently, it studies how the BBC (UK), France Télévisions (France), VRT (Flanders), and NPO (the Netherlands) have to (policy) and intend to (strategy) involve their audiences. These cases have been selected with an eye on including both better-funded (BBC, FTV) and smaller public broadcasters (VRT, NPO), as well as different media systems. For the analysis, the method of goal-means tree analysis is adopted, a type of qualitative document analysis that can be deployed to uncover goal-means relationships in policy and strategy texts. The main argument is that, rather than a mismatch, some of the questionable, normative assumptions made in theories concerning audience involvement and PSM are also present in the PSM policy and strategy texts.

Constitutional-formative status of political parties & political pluralism has a major impact on shaping political will in democracies. Croatia, as a country caught in the process of a (democratic & liberal) transition to democracy, must carefully contemplate how to constitutionally institutionalize, ie, legally secure recognition for political parties as the key actors in shaping peoples' political will, but at the same time by laws to legally & precisely restrain the scope & methods of their activity. In line with this, the author analyzes & evaluates the experience of the Italian First Republic & the French Fifth Republic. The constitutional standardization of political parties in those regimes took place in, for us, comparable social & political circumstances of the so-called extreme & polarized pluralism, which, according to Sartori, inevitably leads to a deeply seated crisis or even a civil war. While the Italian Constitution of 1947 recognizes that centrifugal type of political pluralism, the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic of 1958 envisages the function of its political parties in the same manner to overcome the polarized pluralism of the Fourth Republic. The Italian Constitution defines political parties as instruments above the state, providing guidance ("they determine the national politics"), while the French Constitution reduces their function to the electoral process & stipulates that they have to respect national sovereignty; ie, they have to be a "democratic" influence in the state, ancillary political participants in the democratic political process. The constitutional changes that established the Croatian Third Republic meant that the French institutional arrangement (semipresidential plurality system) was renounced as a way of overcoming polarizing party dynamics. If the French Fifth Republic was a response to the impasse of the Fourth Republic's "regime of parties," why was Croatia's Second Republic (1990-2000) forsworn & the Third republic instituted, modeled after the unequivocally failed regime of the French Fourth Republic? 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Croatian Constitutional Court, by its decision of 24 June 1992, partly rejected a request to start proceedings, & partly terminated already started proceedings, to determine the constitutionality of some thirty emergency decrees passed by the President of Croatian Republic during the undeclared war with Serbia & Yugoslav People's Army in the second half of 1991. The Court backed its decision inter alia by the following arguments: The President has the power to pass emergency decrees without first declaring a state of emergency. Presidential emergency decrees can be retroactive, since the Croatian Constitution does not specifically forbid their retroactivity. The Court's reasoning, which endorses a permanent coup d'etat, is probably a corollary of the idea, taken for granted by some Croatian constitutional lawyers, that the Croatian Constitution is modeled on the Constitution of the French 5th Republic, so that the sweeping powers of the French President belong also to his Croatian counterpart. The paper challenges the idea & discusses the relevance of comparative constitutional theory for Croatian constitutional practice. The first three sections demonstrate that, despite political similarities between the early years of the French 5th Republic & the Croatian Republic, the two semi-presidential systems differ in several important constitutional & legal respects so that the powers -- especially emergency powers -- of the French President cannot be used as a persuasive authority to interpret powers of the Croatian President. Section four indicates that if anything in the French law is authoritative in interpreting Croatian constitutional provisions on state of emergency, it is the effort of the French Conseil d'etat to control, to a limited extent, the legality of presidential emergency decrees. The last section points out that assumptions used by the Croatian Constitutional Court in interpreting presidential powers are more in accord with Weimar Constitution than with the Constitution of the 5th French Republic. The paper ends with the warning that unrestrained exercise of presidential powers in Croatia may lead, as it did in Mussolini's Italy & the Weimar Republic, to dictatorship. Adapted from the source document.