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The article presents & analyses continuity & changes in France's politics in Africa during the past 15 years. Practical political decisions are discussed in relation to central French strategies towards Africa & to speeches by elite politicians. French Africa policy during Sarkozy's first two years as president is examined in greater detail. The article concludes that important changes in French policy towards Africa are taking place, but that Francafrique will continue as long as the key figures in this policy are still alive. Adapted from the source document.

The rise and fall of French Empires throughout a period of 400 years are outlined. Two central and parallel concepts in French political discourse, "grandeur" and "decadence", are used to analyze the French Empire. The article starts by commenting on the rise of the empire, including its geographical reach and direct and indirect political structures and systems. The French imperial policy of assimilation of colonies is examined as a political function to legitimize imperialism as a "mission civilisatrice"; to bring French civilization and liberty to the colonies. The article argues that French imperial rhetoric and propaganda to colonial populations were influenced by social Darwinism, racism, and military interests to display superiority of the French Empire. The article comments on the use of instruction and education in colonial administration and colonial history to maintain and develop the Empire once established. The article discusses the fall and decolonization of the French Empire, and concludes with lessons learned from the empire that applies to modern day France, including French exceptionalism. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

The contributions in this issue of the journal are outlined. They are devoted to the topics of: (1) European security & defense policy & the different approaches to it by France & the UK, (2) EU citizens' support for a common foreign & security policy by this international body, (3) economic development problems in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, (4) the Kurdish question in Turkey as this country applies for EU membership, & (5) the restitution of private property disputes in post-war Kosovo. Contributions to the next, 65th volume of the journal, as it will celebrate its 70th year of publication in 2007, are solicited. Z. Dubiel

Vol. 1: Belgique. - 653 S. - ISBN 92-829-0315-X; Vol. 2: Belgique. - S. 654-1334. - ISBN 92-829-0300-1; Vol. 3: Danmark. - 725 S. - ISBN 92-829-0301-X; Vol. 4: Deutschland. - 534 S. - ISBN 92-829-0302-8; Vol. 5: Ellas. - 580 S. - ISBN 92-829-0303-6; Vol. 6: Espana. - 635 S. - ISBN 92-829-0304-4; Vol. 7: France I. - 560 S. - ISBN 92-829-0316-8; Vol. 8: France II. - S. 565-1019. - ISBN 92-829-0305-2; Vol. 9: Ireland. - 201 S. - ISBN 92-829-0306-0.; Vol. 10: Italia I. - 435 S. - ISBN 92-829-0317-6; Vol. 11: Italia II. - S. 439-1199. - ISBN 92-829-0307-9; Vol. 12: Luxembourg. - 517 S. - ISBN 92-829-0308-7; Vol. 13: Nederland. - 605 S. - ISBN 92-829-0309-5; Vol. 14: Portugal. - 288 S. - ISBN 92-829-0310-9; Vol. 15: United Kingdom. - 636 S. - ISBN 92-829-0311-7

The Research Handbook on Climate Change Adaptation Policy... is a collection of contributions on the theme of climate change adaption policies... [T]he contributors offer a unique bird's eye view from the perspective of 14 countries: Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Kenya, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, the U.K. and the U.S.A....

New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states' Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA's, but with less global ambition.

Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi

The sixth intergovernmental conference of the European Union (EU) was opened this fall under the Italian presidency. This analysis treats the question of whether the main lines of Italian foreign policy have changed with the center-right government of Silvio Berlusconi & to what degree possible changes may influence the outcome of the conference. Since September 11 (2001), Italy has been confronted with a series of challenges. First, Italy was caught in the middle of the disagreement between US & France/Germany on the Iraq question. Taking sides was very difficult for a country that has traditionally had atlanticism & European engagement as its main pillars in security & foreign policy. Berlusconi expressed that he would place high priority on the Atlantic alliance. Secondly, Italy had to face the new developments within the European integration process. Convinced that the differentiation between a development towards an intergovernmental system & a communitary one was no longer relevant, the Italian delegation at the Convention supported all the proposals that would guarantee a power balance between the three main institutions of the EU (Council, Commission, & Parliament). 28 References. Adapted from the source document.