Suchergebnisse

The author looks into the relation between politics, state and religion from the political-science perspective, as part of an analysis and evaluation of tasks, achievements and failures of polity, policy or politics from the standpoint of normative-constructive philosophy of equity. At present the central task of policy is to stimulate and strengthen the Western political culture based on the fundamental distinction between "reasonable" and "unreasonable" pluralism. "Reasonable" pluralism rests on the assumption that the state is a just power, the sovereignty of which can be recognized in distinguishing the "public" and the "private", the just and the good, and, in connection therewith, it is almost self-understandable that such a liberal guaranteed private sphere must be the primary arena of religious practice and religious freedoms. The crucial trait of the relation between state and religion is manifest in the fact that only the legal state and the liberal constitution are competent to state what the freedom of individuals consists of within the framework of norms of what is just. The author defines "religion" in the comprehensive sense as central to the processes of forming cultural identity, and he deems that cultural policy (which, in principle, has to do with relations between state and religion), as policy of equitable integration of multi-culturally shaped political unities, must be oriented toward stimulation of those attitudes and values which make possible the reasonable pluralism defined according to Rawls. Since the political encompasses also the possibility to make enemies, the author advocates the cultural policy of "weakening the feelings of enmity" (N. Elias). In this way, a systematic concept of policy would be created, one which would reflect and preserve the conditions of reasonable pluralism. On the policy level and, in particular, on the politics level, cultural policy is a very demanding project. Perhaps it is precisely Switzerland, with its special prospects of civil democracy, that offers promising cultural-policy opportunities for activity, which are as yet still insufficiently researched. Adapted from the source document.

U Istru, kao dijelu austrijskoga pravnog sustava, porotno je suđenje uvedeno revolucionarne 1848. i to najprije samo za tiskovne delikte, u sklopu težnji za slobodom misli i izražavanja putem tiska, koji je predstavljao najprikladniji medij za širenje novih ideja i mobilizaciju političkih masa. Porotnim suđenjem htjelo se osigurati nepristrano i objektivno suđenje, koje se zbog nedostatnih jamstava sudačke neovisnosti nije moglo očekivati od profesionalnih sudaca. U radu se razmatraju tiskovne naredbe i zakoni doneseni tijekom 1848. i 1849. godine, kojima su regulirani sloboda tiska i porotna sudbenost. Na temelju analize zakonodavnog okvira, sudske prakse i istarskog novinstva u promatranom razdoblju, autorica je utvrdila kako uvođenje slobode tiska i porotnog suđenja za tiskovne delikte 1848./1849. za područje Istre nije imalo preveliko praktično značenje. ; In Istria, as a part of the Austrian legal system, jury trial was initially introduced in the revolutionary year of 1848 only for press offenses, in the framework of aspirations for freedom of thought and expression through the press, which represented the most appropriate medium for the dissemination of new ideas and mobilization of the political masses. Trial by jury was supposed to secure impartial and objective trials, which could not be expected of professional judges due to insufficient guarantees of their impartiality. This paper examines the press-related orders and laws passed during 1848 and 1849 which regulated the freedom of press and jury jurisdiction. On the basis of an analysis of the legislative framework, jurisprudence, and the Istrian press during the examined time period, the author has decided that the introduction of the freedom of the press and jury trials for press offenses in 1848/1849 on the territory of Istria didn't have a large practical significance.

Ovaj rad bavi se fenomenima hereze i pravovjerja, prisutnim u svim društvima u povijesti čovječanstva. Pravovjerjem smatram pristajanje na postojeću društvenu strukturu, vjerovanje u istinu centara moći, dok je hereza sve ono što je pripadajuće domeni kritičkog promišljanja. Cenzura, sustavna kontrola slobode mišljenja sastavni je dio vođenja države, i s obzirom na razvoj i promjene u društvu, ona poprima različite vidove, različita "lica." Kontrola se pojačava u kriznim razdobljima. S razvojem društva, metode postaju netransparentnije. U razvijenim demokracijama najefikasnija kontrola je kontrola misli, njome se bave veliki sustavi nadziranja, zajedno sa sustavima indoktriniranja (mediji, obrazovanje, religija). Sustavi indoktrinacije uče što trebamo misliti i koje vrijednosti zastupati. Odbijanje povlači sankcije. Ono što nije sukladno smješta se u domenu zabrane. U razvijenim demokracijama cenzura je zakonom zabranjena, ali se provodi na druge načine. Autocenzura, reakcija je autora na represiju te tzv. "tiha cenzura", zanemarivanje je pa time uklanjanje nepoćudnih sadržaja, umjesto prijašnjih zabrana i krivičnih progona. Danas sve aspekte ljudskog stvaralaštva regulira tržište, intencija je totalna kontrola. Javni prostor popunjava se trivijalnostima i zabavom, za istraživačke i kreativne sadržaje izostaje "potražnja" pa time i prostor u medijima. ; Heresy and orthodoxy are immanent to all regimes, totalitarian and democratic. Denying of critical thinking manifests itself in so far as the regime feels threatened by opponents, and censorship, systematic control of freedom of thought is an integral part of running the state. Control increases in times of crisis. With the development of society, methods become less transparent. In developed democracies, the most effective control is thought control, and big monitoring systems, together with the systems of indoctrination (media, education, religion), are involved in it. Systems of indoctrination teach us what to think and what values to represent. Refusal withdraws sanctions. What is not in accordance, is placed in the domain of the ban. In developed democracies, censorship is prohibited by law, but is carried out in other ways. Self-censorship, the reaction of authors to the repression, and the so-called."silent censorship", is ignoring and thus removing undesirable contents, instead of the previous prohibition and criminal prosecution. Today all aspects of human creativity are regulated by the market, the intention is total control. The public space is filled with trivia and entertainment, for research and creative contents a "demand" is absent, and thus the space in the media.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

Ustav Republike Hrvatske proklamira ljudska prava i slobode u skladu s dokumentima univerzalnog karaktera i vrelima prava Europske unije i Vijeća Europe. Među tim pravima Ustav utvrđuje prava i slobode na radu i u vezi s radom, prava radnika i njihovih udruga (poslodavaca i njihovih udruga) ali i prava i obveze države (i kada se javlja kao vlast ili/i kao poslodavac). Predmet ovoga rada su industrijske akcije drukčije od štrajka u sadržaju prirodnih prava (prava čovjeka na radu), kao dio prava na rad i slobodu rada, prava na zaradu "kojom može osigurati sebi i obitelji slobodan i dostojan život"; pravo na ograničeno radno vrijeme; pravo na odmore i dopuste; pravo udjela pri odlučivanju u poduzeću; pravo na zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti na radu; pravo na socijalnu sigurnost, socijalno osiguranje i zdravstvenu zaštitu; pravo koalicije i osnivanja sindikata "radi zaštite svojih gospodarskih i socijalnih interesa"; pa slijedom toga "jamči se pravo na štrajk". Pitanje i odnose štrajka i drugih industrijskih akcija uređuje zakon i autonomni opći akti, pravila udruga, a utvrđuje i sudska praksa, pored onoga što "kreira" i determinira praksa u živim, primjenljivim i promjenljivim odnosima, bez obzira na njihovu reguliranost. ; The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia proclaims human rights and freedoms in accordance with the documents of universal character and the sources of law of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Among these rights, the Constitution establishes the rights and freedoms at work and in connection with work, the rights of workers and their associations (employers and their associations), but also the rights and obligations of the state (both when it comes to power or/and as an employer). The subject of this paper is industrial action diff erent from the strike in the content of natural rights (human rights at work), as part of the right to work and freedom to work, the right to earn "which can secure a free and dignified life for himself and his family"; the right to a limited working ...

Hegelove riječi iz Enciklopedije filozofskih znanosti, da revolucija nije moguća bez reformacije, mogu se shvatiti kao načelno upozorenje da svakoj korjenitoj političkoj promjeni mora prethoditi promjena u unutrašnjem svijetu uvjerenja pojedinca i zajednice. Te riječi povijesno preciznije upućuju na reformirano kršćanstvo kao na inherentni poticaj modernim revolucionarnim previranjima. Religiozno oslobođenje savjesti prethodilo je političkom oslobođenju i u tom smislu Hegel izdvaja protestantizam kao najviši lik religioznosti koji je u modernoj običajnosti moguć. Hegel favorizira protestantizam ne samo zato što je uvjeren da je religijska reformacija prethodila i da uvijek mora prethoditi revoluciji nego i zbog toga što smatra da s protestantizmom postaje očito da i reformiranje religije ostaje nedovršeno i apstraktno ne preraste li u politički prevrat. Razmatranje načina na koji Hegel problematizira odnos države i religije autora vodi k zaključku: revolucije ne može biti bez reformacije, ali ni istinske reformacije bez revolucije. ; Hegel's words from the Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences, that a revolution is not possible without a reformation, can be understood as the general warning that the change within the inner world of beliefs of individual and community must precede every radical political change. Historically more precise, these words point to the Reformed Christianity as the inherent impetus to the modern revolutionary movements. The religious liberation of conscience preceded the political liberation, and Hegel, therefore, points out Protestantism as the highest form of religiosity which is possible in the modern ethical life. On the other hand, Hegel favours Protestantism not only because he is convinced that the religious reformation preceded and must precede the revolution, but also because he considers that with Protestantism becomes evident that the reformation of religion remains incomplete and abstract if it does not grow into the political upheaval. Considering the way Hegel is problematizing the nature of the relationship between state and religion, the author concludes: there can be no revolution without a reformation, but neither a true reformation without a revolution.

Različiti aspekti američke popularne kulture (SAD), od fast fooda do tada aktualne umjetničke scene, čine dio motivskog repertoara poezije Borisa Marune, koji je uz Viktora Vidu najbolji hrvatski emigrantski pjesnik. Odnoseći se spram karakterističnih simbola zemlje u kojoj se našao slijedom svoje zanimljive emigrantske i nomadske sudbine na humoran, ironičan i satiričan način, Maruna u stihovima dimenzionira svoj kritički i osporavateljski odnos spram Amerike kao obećane zemlje. S druge strane, Amerika je prostor konkretne uređene političke i društvene zbilje u kojoj se ipak mogao pronaći dostojan prostor slobode za avanturiste duha, napose u smislu seksualnog liberalizma i nesputanog tjelesnog ponašanja kao dijela popularne kulture, o čemu Maruna često govori u svojoj poeziji. Ono što nikada nije dolazilo u pitanje bila je ljubav spram hrvatske domovine, ali bez tonova patetičnog domotužja i plačne nostalgije, s kritičkim i ironijskim odmakom spram navika i običaja Hrvata, što je Marunu bitno udaljavalo od tipične matrice hrvatskih emigrantskih pjesnika i pisaca uopće. ; Different aspects of American popular culture, from fast food to then-current art scene, are only some of the motives in the poetry of Boris Maruna who is, along with Viktor Vida, the best Croatian emigrant poet. Using humor, irony and satire while referring to the characteristic symbols of the country in which he ended up due to his interesting and nomadic destiny, Maruna in his poems dimensions his critical and disputing attitude towards America as the Promised Land. On the other hand, America is the country of concrete and organized political and social reality in which the adventurers of the mind could still find some respectable space of freedom, especially in terms of sexual liberalism and uninhibited physical behavior as a part of the popular culture, one of the frequent topics in Maruna's poetry. His love for the homeland Croatia was never questionable. It was however expressed without any pathetic patriotic tones or weeping nostalgia, but with a critical and ironic detachment from the customs and habits of the Croats, thus significantly alienating Maruna from the typical matrix of both the Croatian emigrant poets and the writers in general.

U članku se analiziraju pojedina dvojbena pravna pitanja koja se javljaju u praksi prekograničnoga poslovanja društava za osiguranje na jedinstvenom unutarnjem tržištu Europske unije s aspekta važećega pravnog uređenja u Republici Hrvatskoj. Analiza se ponajprije odnosi na pitanja koja se javljaju u praktičnoj primjeni pravila o slobodi pružanja usluga osiguranja predviđenih propisima Europske unije koja se u hrvatski pravni sustav prenose Zakonom o osiguranju. Cilj je rada ukazati na izazove koje za industriju osiguranja u Republici Hrvatskoj donosi liberalizacija tržišta osiguranja zajamčena pravnom stečevinom Europske unije te pružiti određene preporuke koje bi hrvatskim osigurateljima i ostalim pružateljima usluga osiguranja mogle biti korisne kod donošenja poslovne odluke o mogućem prekograničnom obavljanju poslova osiguranja. ; The paper analyses certain legal dilemmas that arise in relation to the provision of cross-border insurance services on the European union single market, particularly in the context of the Croatian legal framework. The analysis covers several issues arising in relation to the practical application of the EU rules on freedom to provide insurance services as implemented in the Croatian national law by the Croatian Insurance Act. Special consideration is given to certain specific legal issues that appear in practice as dubious when it comes to insurance of certain types of risk with a cross-border element, The aim is to point at the challenges that the liberalisation of the insurance market places in front of the Croatian insurance industry, and to make certain recommendations that could be useful to the Croatian insurers and other insurance service providers when deciding on the possibility of carrying on crossborder insurance business.

Danas u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i rastuće migracije stanovništva pred međunarodnim snagama UN i međunarodnim policijskim organizacijama stoji niz novih složenih zadataka u okviru borbi protiv zločina protiv čovječnosti. U svom radu navodimo razloge rastuće složenosti tih zadataka i karakteriziramo temeljne smjerove djelovanja međunarodnih policijskih organizacija i međunarodnih snaga UN u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i ekstremne migracije stanovništva. Posebice razmatramo problem borbe međunarodnih policijskih organizacija protiv trgovine ženama i djecom. ; Today, under the conditions of globalized terrorism, human traffi cking and growing migration of population, international forces of the UN and international police organizations are faced with a series of complex tasks in fi ghtinhg crimes against humanity. In this paper, the authors state reasons for growing complexity of these tasks and characterization of underlying directions of action of international police organizations and international forces of the UN against the eff ects of globalization of terrorism, human traffi cking and forced migration of population. We particularly consider the problem of collision of international police organizations against trafficking in women and children.

In Croatia, the issue of the legal status of the sources of journalists' information as well as the status of journalists who publish sensitive information is increasingly gaining prominence. This is a subject that includes elements of constitutional, media, labor, civil, & penal law. The essay is limited to people as information sources. The sources can be divided into internal & external. The rationale for the sources' confidentiality privilege lies in the fact that journalists serve public goals & their sources can find themselves imperiled. According to the author's classification, the risks of this privilege are faced either by the sources (direct or indirect manipulation, smear campaigns, misapprehensions) or by the journalists ("protecting" a fictional source, subsequent blackmail of the source, misapprehensions). In Croatia, the protection of the information sources is defined in Article 12 of the Law on Public Information. The author outlines the major comparative systems of regulation of this field, the examples of antinomies among different Croatian regulations (the principles for their resolution are also offered) & analyzes the position of certain types of sources in relation to the Croatian law. And finally, the author compares the regulations of the Croatian law with the comparative systems, analyzes the representation of certain forms of responsibility of certain types of subjects & lists the principles he deems most important regarding journalists' work (the necessity of protecting the sources, the responsibility of journalists toward their sources, the different legal status of journalists & their sources, the protection of privacy, the verification of confidentiality, the more dominant interest, the importance of administrative ethics, the familiarity with the regulations, the adequate legal definition of a secret). 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper on the subject of comparative constitutional law studies, the author presents the experience of two foreign courts whose competence includes the control of the compatibility of laws with the constitution. The examples concern the constitutional right to freedom of the press. In the course of the practice of the US Supreme Court & the Constitutional Council in France, the constitutional stipulation concerning freedom of the press provokes one of the liveliest controversies in the public life. The "dictum" of the decisions concerning freedom of the press represents a living source of contemporary understanding & action within this significant & complex constitutional law. While tasking into consideration some existing circumstances in the life & institutional structure of the Republic of Croatia, the author asks in what direction the Constitutional Court of Croatia will turn should the circumstances put it into the position of having to answer a question concerning freedom of the press. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.