Suchergebnisse

Ovaj diplomski rad pruža svojevrstan pregled razvoja sigurnosne i antiterorističke politike EU temeljene na idejama manjeg zla, ravnoteže i trgovanja između slobode i sigurnosti, uz analizu samih ideja. Analizirajući izvanrednost sigurnosne politike EU s jedne, te terorizma kao glavnog izazova sigurnosti EU (uz etničke sukobe) s druge strane, u radu se prikazuju određene proturječnosti sigurnosnih mjera EU utemeljenih na ideji ravnoteže sigurnosti i slobode. Proturječnosti su vidljive, ne toliko u smislu neprestanog pozivanja na nužnost i važnost očuvanja sigurnosti i slobode i paralelnom ograničavanju istih, koliko u smislu ograničavanja ili ukidanje ljudskih prava i sloboda kao načina podizanja općeg stanja sigurnosti bez pružanja konkretnih procjena o učinkovitosti istih, bez stvarnih jamstava ili dokaza o postizanja sigurnosnih uspjeha. Europska integracija počiva na vrijednostima mira, slobode, jednakosti i tolerancije od samih svojih početaka. U kompleksnosti odnosa europskih liberalnih vrijednosti i ciljeva s jedne, te sigurnosne nužnosti i opravdanja s druge strane, ovaj rad svoju tezu temelji na nekoliko primjera ograničavanja temeljnih ljudskih i građanskih sloboda. Građanska prava koja se obrađuju temelje se na Ugovoru iz Maastrichta, dok se ljudska prava temelje se na Europskoj konvenciji o ljudskim pravima. Kada se govori o postizanju, povećanju ili ugrozi sigurnosti, sigurnost se definira kao (I.) "Sigurnost kao stanje osjećaja zbrinutosti i smirenosti, slobode od straha ili tjeskobe" i (II) "Sigurnost kao poduzimanje mjera i postupaka s ciljem poboljšanja sigurnosti države ili organizacije". Europska sigurnost je shvaćena kao strategija vrlo bliska konceptu europskog identiteta tj. kao artikulacija zajedničkih europskih vrijednosti i interesa. ; This master's thesis provides an unique overview of the development of security and counter-terrorism policies of the EU based on the ideas of the lesser evil, balance and tradeoffs between freedom and security, along with an analysis of the ideas ...

U Istru, kao dijelu austrijskoga pravnog sustava, porotno je suđenje uvedeno revolucionarne 1848. i to najprije samo za tiskovne delikte, u sklopu težnji za slobodom misli i izražavanja putem tiska, koji je predstavljao najprikladniji medij za širenje novih ideja i mobilizaciju političkih masa. Porotnim suđenjem htjelo se osigurati nepristrano i objektivno suđenje, koje se zbog nedostatnih jamstava sudačke neovisnosti nije moglo očekivati od profesionalnih sudaca. U radu se razmatraju tiskovne naredbe i zakoni doneseni tijekom 1848. i 1849. godine, kojima su regulirani sloboda tiska i porotna sudbenost. Na temelju analize zakonodavnog okvira, sudske prakse i istarskog novinstva u promatranom razdoblju, autorica je utvrdila kako uvođenje slobode tiska i porotnog suđenja za tiskovne delikte 1848./1849. za područje Istre nije imalo preveliko praktično značenje. ; In Istria, as a part of the Austrian legal system, jury trial was initially introduced in the revolutionary year of 1848 only for press offenses, in the framework of aspirations for freedom of thought and expression through the press, which represented the most appropriate medium for the dissemination of new ideas and mobilization of the political masses. Trial by jury was supposed to secure impartial and objective trials, which could not be expected of professional judges due to insufficient guarantees of their impartiality. This paper examines the press-related orders and laws passed during 1848 and 1849 which regulated the freedom of press and jury jurisdiction. On the basis of an analysis of the legislative framework, jurisprudence, and the Istrian press during the examined time period, the author has decided that the introduction of the freedom of the press and jury trials for press offenses in 1848/1849 on the territory of Istria didn't have a large practical significance.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

Ovaj rad bavi se fenomenima hereze i pravovjerja, prisutnim u svim društvima u povijesti čovječanstva. Pravovjerjem smatram pristajanje na postojeću društvenu strukturu, vjerovanje u istinu centara moći, dok je hereza sve ono što je pripadajuće domeni kritičkog promišljanja. Cenzura, sustavna kontrola slobode mišljenja sastavni je dio vođenja države, i s obzirom na razvoj i promjene u društvu, ona poprima različite vidove, različita "lica." Kontrola se pojačava u kriznim razdobljima. S razvojem društva, metode postaju netransparentnije. U razvijenim demokracijama najefikasnija kontrola je kontrola misli, njome se bave veliki sustavi nadziranja, zajedno sa sustavima indoktriniranja (mediji, obrazovanje, religija). Sustavi indoktrinacije uče što trebamo misliti i koje vrijednosti zastupati. Odbijanje povlači sankcije. Ono što nije sukladno smješta se u domenu zabrane. U razvijenim demokracijama cenzura je zakonom zabranjena, ali se provodi na druge načine. Autocenzura, reakcija je autora na represiju te tzv. "tiha cenzura", zanemarivanje je pa time uklanjanje nepoćudnih sadržaja, umjesto prijašnjih zabrana i krivičnih progona. Danas sve aspekte ljudskog stvaralaštva regulira tržište, intencija je totalna kontrola. Javni prostor popunjava se trivijalnostima i zabavom, za istraživačke i kreativne sadržaje izostaje "potražnja" pa time i prostor u medijima. ; Heresy and orthodoxy are immanent to all regimes, totalitarian and democratic. Denying of critical thinking manifests itself in so far as the regime feels threatened by opponents, and censorship, systematic control of freedom of thought is an integral part of running the state. Control increases in times of crisis. With the development of society, methods become less transparent. In developed democracies, the most effective control is thought control, and big monitoring systems, together with the systems of indoctrination (media, education, religion), are involved in it. Systems of indoctrination teach us what to think and what values to represent. Refusal withdraws sanctions. What is not in accordance, is placed in the domain of the ban. In developed democracies, censorship is prohibited by law, but is carried out in other ways. Self-censorship, the reaction of authors to the repression, and the so-called."silent censorship", is ignoring and thus removing undesirable contents, instead of the previous prohibition and criminal prosecution. Today all aspects of human creativity are regulated by the market, the intention is total control. The public space is filled with trivia and entertainment, for research and creative contents a "demand" is absent, and thus the space in the media.

Tko su naši suvremeni pučki tribuni? Kakva je njihova zastupnička namjera? U čije točno ime govore zastupnici naroda? I kakav ih odaziv zajednice prati? Zastupaju li u istoj mjeri »elitne«, »svenarodske« i vlastite interese unutar šire interpretativne zajednice? Stvara li svako uzimanje zastupničkog ili reprezentacijskog prava ujedno i osobit socijalni otpor (neuključenih ili prozvanih glasova), baš kao i s njime povezane političke progone? Tekst tumači javnu sferu kao dinamičko polje ideologijskih i estetičkih sučeljavanja, s posebnim naglaskom na umjetničko stvaralaštvo Olivera Frljića i Mate Matišića kao aktualnih pučkih tribuna. Obojicu prati licemjerna optužnica za »manjak patriotizma«, premda upravo napor navedenih umjetnika za uvažavanjem socijalno najranjivijih skupina i pojedinaca svjedoči u prilog osobite etike skrbi, samim time i povišene brižnosti prema zajednici kojoj se obraćaju. Tekst također sadrži i kratke razgovore s obojicom umjetnika na temu umjetnosti kao javnog zastupništva i njegovih kriza. ; Who are our contemporary tribuni plebis? What is their representative intent? What kind of communal response they receive, both from »elite« and from »common« interpretative communities? What kind of public resistance and public persecution follow from their choice to speak as the public representatives? The text understands public sphere as a contesting ideological and aesthetical field and therefore approaches works of Oliver Fljić and Mate Matišić as two artists who fiercely challenge the irresponsibility of the Croatian community and insist on public duty of intellectuals and artists to reveal both structural patterns and private schemata of social injustice. The fact that both of them are oftentimes accused in the media for their »lack of patriotism« is viewed as a grotesque form of social hypocrisy, since Matišić and Frljić demonstrate consistent care about the most wounded parts of our political community, therefore building intense field of social empathy and communal ethics of care. Text also includes voices of Mate Matišić and Oliver Frljić in response to the questions the author made.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

Ustav Republike Hrvatske proklamira ljudska prava i slobode u skladu s dokumentima univerzalnog karaktera i vrelima prava Europske unije i Vijeća Europe. Među tim pravima Ustav utvrđuje prava i slobode na radu i u vezi s radom, prava radnika i njihovih udruga (poslodavaca i njihovih udruga) ali i prava i obveze države (i kada se javlja kao vlast ili/i kao poslodavac). Predmet ovoga rada su industrijske akcije drukčije od štrajka u sadržaju prirodnih prava (prava čovjeka na radu), kao dio prava na rad i slobodu rada, prava na zaradu "kojom može osigurati sebi i obitelji slobodan i dostojan život"; pravo na ograničeno radno vrijeme; pravo na odmore i dopuste; pravo udjela pri odlučivanju u poduzeću; pravo na zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti na radu; pravo na socijalnu sigurnost, socijalno osiguranje i zdravstvenu zaštitu; pravo koalicije i osnivanja sindikata "radi zaštite svojih gospodarskih i socijalnih interesa"; pa slijedom toga "jamči se pravo na štrajk". Pitanje i odnose štrajka i drugih industrijskih akcija uređuje zakon i autonomni opći akti, pravila udruga, a utvrđuje i sudska praksa, pored onoga što "kreira" i determinira praksa u živim, primjenljivim i promjenljivim odnosima, bez obzira na njihovu reguliranost. ; The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia proclaims human rights and freedoms in accordance with the documents of universal character and the sources of law of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Among these rights, the Constitution establishes the rights and freedoms at work and in connection with work, the rights of workers and their associations (employers and their associations), but also the rights and obligations of the state (both when it comes to power or/and as an employer). The subject of this paper is industrial action diff erent from the strike in the content of natural rights (human rights at work), as part of the right to work and freedom to work, the right to earn "which can secure a free and dignified life for himself and his family"; the right to a limited working ...

Različiti aspekti američke popularne kulture (SAD), od fast fooda do tada aktualne umjetničke scene, čine dio motivskog repertoara poezije Borisa Marune, koji je uz Viktora Vidu najbolji hrvatski emigrantski pjesnik. Odnoseći se spram karakterističnih simbola zemlje u kojoj se našao slijedom svoje zanimljive emigrantske i nomadske sudbine na humoran, ironičan i satiričan način, Maruna u stihovima dimenzionira svoj kritički i osporavateljski odnos spram Amerike kao obećane zemlje. S druge strane, Amerika je prostor konkretne uređene političke i društvene zbilje u kojoj se ipak mogao pronaći dostojan prostor slobode za avanturiste duha, napose u smislu seksualnog liberalizma i nesputanog tjelesnog ponašanja kao dijela popularne kulture, o čemu Maruna često govori u svojoj poeziji. Ono što nikada nije dolazilo u pitanje bila je ljubav spram hrvatske domovine, ali bez tonova patetičnog domotužja i plačne nostalgije, s kritičkim i ironijskim odmakom spram navika i običaja Hrvata, što je Marunu bitno udaljavalo od tipične matrice hrvatskih emigrantskih pjesnika i pisaca uopće. ; Different aspects of American popular culture, from fast food to then-current art scene, are only some of the motives in the poetry of Boris Maruna who is, along with Viktor Vida, the best Croatian emigrant poet. Using humor, irony and satire while referring to the characteristic symbols of the country in which he ended up due to his interesting and nomadic destiny, Maruna in his poems dimensions his critical and disputing attitude towards America as the Promised Land. On the other hand, America is the country of concrete and organized political and social reality in which the adventurers of the mind could still find some respectable space of freedom, especially in terms of sexual liberalism and uninhibited physical behavior as a part of the popular culture, one of the frequent topics in Maruna's poetry. His love for the homeland Croatia was never questionable. It was however expressed without any pathetic patriotic tones or weeping nostalgia, but with a critical and ironic detachment from the customs and habits of the Croats, thus significantly alienating Maruna from the typical matrix of both the Croatian emigrant poets and the writers in general.

The author analyses globalization and freedom by discussing the works of Dahrendorf and Giddens. Examining issues like risk, tradition, family and democracy, Giddens explores the influence of globalization on societies and states, and on individuals and their everyday life. Dahrendorf discusses the concept of freedom as an "action for realization of opportunities" and in that sense he sees freedom is an action and not as a state. Dahrendorf also discusses globalization as de-democratization. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se analiziraju pojedina dvojbena pravna pitanja koja se javljaju u praksi prekograničnoga poslovanja društava za osiguranje na jedinstvenom unutarnjem tržištu Europske unije s aspekta važećega pravnog uređenja u Republici Hrvatskoj. Analiza se ponajprije odnosi na pitanja koja se javljaju u praktičnoj primjeni pravila o slobodi pružanja usluga osiguranja predviđenih propisima Europske unije koja se u hrvatski pravni sustav prenose Zakonom o osiguranju. Cilj je rada ukazati na izazove koje za industriju osiguranja u Republici Hrvatskoj donosi liberalizacija tržišta osiguranja zajamčena pravnom stečevinom Europske unije te pružiti određene preporuke koje bi hrvatskim osigurateljima i ostalim pružateljima usluga osiguranja mogle biti korisne kod donošenja poslovne odluke o mogućem prekograničnom obavljanju poslova osiguranja. ; The paper analyses certain legal dilemmas that arise in relation to the provision of cross-border insurance services on the European union single market, particularly in the context of the Croatian legal framework. The analysis covers several issues arising in relation to the practical application of the EU rules on freedom to provide insurance services as implemented in the Croatian national law by the Croatian Insurance Act. Special consideration is given to certain specific legal issues that appear in practice as dubious when it comes to insurance of certain types of risk with a cross-border element, The aim is to point at the challenges that the liberalisation of the insurance market places in front of the Croatian insurance industry, and to make certain recommendations that could be useful to the Croatian insurers and other insurance service providers when deciding on the possibility of carrying on crossborder insurance business.

The author claims that freedom is what makes philosophy possible in its essence. Along with Kant, the author sees in freedom the spring of pure reason. It is in freedom, as a self-construed concept, that pure reason has its substance. The author goes then goes into the negative & positive concepts of freedom & analyzes the practical notion of freedom whose principles might secure world peace. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship among legal nationhood, social nationhood, & democracy in democratic constitutional states. After identifying the definitions of democratic constitutional state, he concludes that it is an efficient structure within which one can investigate the relationship among democracy, legal, & social nationhood. He suggests that these three principles have their normative roots in human freedom, ie, in the freedom of participating in political negotiation, in the freedom from coercion & unjust rule, in the freedom from exigency, & in the free participation in the "we" of the modern industrial, technological & information society. Finally, the author analyzes the tension between the legal & social nationhood which may be fruitful only if democracy contributes to the accomplishment of major social changes that maximize human freedom. Adapted from the source document.