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1921 წლის აპრილის დასაწყისში თბილისში გამომა­ვალ გაზეთ "სოციალისტ-ფედერალისტში" რუბრიკით "პოლიტიკური შენიშ­ვნები" გამოქვეყნდა კონსტანტინე გამსახურდიას წერილი: "ტრაგე­დიის მეორე ნაწილი", რომელიც რედაქციამ სადისკუსიოდ მიიჩნია. კონსტანტინე გამსახურდია შეეცადა რუსეთის წითელი არმიის მიერ საქართველოს ოკუპაცია მსოფლიო გეოპოლიტიკის კონტექსტში გაეაზრებინა. კონსტანტინე გამსახურდიას სტატია ასახავს საქართველოს გასაბჭოების პირველ დღეებში ქვეყანაში არსებულ განწყობას.

One of the central themes in the American history is the interaction between white and black cultures, both in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of America. The religion perfectly reflects this interaction. As Campbell notes, African American religion has been extremely important both for American religious culture as a whole, and for the black community itself. When freedmen withdrew from white-dominated churches and formed their religious institutions, black churches, they quickly occupied a central position in African Americans' lives. They became the chief social and cultural institutions which blacks made and operated for themselves, and therefore were necessary in promoting a sense of communal purpose. They provided the organizational structure for most activities of the community: economic, political, and educational as well as religious. This article overviews the processes out of which the black church formed as an independent institution, that served as a unifying, powerful and stimulating instrument for the African American community's future advancements and struggle for equality.

We have been constantly reminded that, we are not going to succeed in achieving any kind of social change unless we build astrong civil society. Consequently, lots of NGOs in Georgia are founded with the intention to realize this dream. However, we havegot a long way ahead of us.After the election of Obama, when discussing the history of the United States of America, particularly while talking about the1950-1960s, Georgian people knowingly nod their heads, expressing their understanding that it was an era of intense struggle forfighting for the basic rights by Civil Rights Movement activists, - African Americans.In order to get full and concise perspective of the significance of the Civil Rights movement, we must provide some informationon the impact of the decision on other social movements. Undoubtedly, social movements play an influential role in culture, publicpolicy and mainstream politics: they respond to it and influence it.

In a world of finite public and private resources, it is very important to support effective management of public finances. Effective management focuses on the core areas of public financial management – public program and project appraisal. The essential theoretical foundations of CBA are: benefits are defined as increases in human wellbeing (utility) and costs are defined as reductions in human wellbeing. Cost-benefit analysis is an analytical tool that can be used to measure the economic and social impact of government action by reference to the "net social benefits" that action might be produced. As such, it can be a valuable aid to decision making. Its power as an analytical tool rests in two main features: 1) costs and benefits are each as far as possible appropriate expressed in terms of money and hence, are directly comparable with one another; 2) costs and benefits are valued in terms of the economy and society as a whole, so the perspective is "global".

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of illustrations -- Series Editor Introduction -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. Considering semiotic dynamics of social representation -- 2. Overcoming fragmentation-semiotic dynamics of the self's construction -- 3. Theory of proculturation -- 4. Proculturation as a systemic phenomenological process -- 5. Considering methodological preconditions for proculturation studies -- 6. Historical roots of Georgianness-Ethnic positioning through reintegrative proculturation -- 7. Constructing social representations as sign-complexes-from historical foundations towards contemporary Georgianness -- 8. The case of an emigrant's proculturation-a semiotic jump in human development -- 9. Epilogue: Proculturation of the self in context -- References -- Index.

Конец ХХ в. останется в истории как время бурных этнополитических движений, сепаратизма государств, воссоединения разделенных народов и т.д.; время, которое способствовало возникновению сложных проблем во взаимоотношениях между советскими народами, обусловленные глубоким политическим кризисом и распадом СССР. Союзному государству стали пророчить распад на множество мелких самостоятельных государств, слабо развитых в экономическом отношении и находящихся в состоянии политической междоусобицы. Исключением не стала и Грузинская ССР. Представленная статья раскрывает процесс суверенизации грузинского общества, и показана роль З.К. Гамсахурдиа в становлении грузинской государственности в 90-е годы ХХ в. Приводятся конкретные и убедительные примеры крайних подходов в решении национального вопроса на примере южных осетин, и раскрываются убедительные факторы великодержавной политики официального Тбилиси во главе с бывшим диссидентом З.К. Гамсахурдиа. ; The end of the 20 th century will remain in the history as time of wild ethnopolitical movements, separatism of different states, the unity of parted peoples etc; the time, which promote the emergence of complex problems in the relationships between soviet peoples, led by deep political crisis and the break up of the USSR. The allied state was predicted a break up into a lot of small independent states, weakly-developed in economy. Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic did not become an exception. The represented article exposes the process of sovereignty of Georgian society and the role of Gamsakhurdia in the formation of Georgian government system in the 90 th of the 20 th century. There are concrete and convincing examples of extreme attitude in solving the national question, the example of it – is the South Ossetia, it exposes convincing factors of greatpowerful policy of official Tbilisi with former dissident Gamsakhurdia at the head.

On July 12th, 1990 the Serb Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina (SDS BiH) held its founding assembly. Less than five months later, it participated in the November 1990 elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), winning a decisive majority of the vote of ethnic Serbs. Yet, SDS BiH was not an ordinary political party. In the sixteen months that followed the elections, it initiated a series of activities that eroded the power of BiH institutions to which it had been elected. SDS BiH declared its own organs superior to those of BiH and established exclusive control in Serb-majority areas. In early 1992, it united these areas into a single Serb Republic, formed an exclusively Serb armed force, and set out to violently expand the territory that would be incorporated into the new statelet. This study seeks to advance an understanding of the role of ethno-nationalist agents in the outbreak of violent conflicts fought in the name of ethnic nations by analyzing the activities of SDS BiH on the political homogenization of Serbs in the two years leading up to the 1992 onset of violence in BiH. It incorporates the tools of discourse analysis and the recent findings in the studies of human cognition, identifying the agency of SDS BiH in the power of the Party's discourse to produce affective sensibilities that served its nationalist agenda. It argues that this engineering of affect was crucial for constituting the dispersed individuals of Serb ethnic background as a palpable political group, and preparing them for armed mobilization. The analysis also argues that ethno-nationalist agency can be properly understood only by considering the case-specific structural factors with which all agents interact. Toward this point, it draws contrast between the agency of SDS BiH and that of the National Movement in the Republic of Georgia, showing that ethnic structures hold a greater explanatory value in the Georgian case. Rather than departing from pre-given ethnic groups, both case studies suggest that conflict analyses should problematize the dynamic interaction between the dominant ethno-nationalist agents and ethnic structures, which produce ethnic groups, ethnic interests and sides to armed conflicts. ; Ph. D.

Pt. 1. The best of times, the worst of times : 1985-1995. Georgia : a divided nation -- Prelude to revolution -- Populism in Georgia : the Gamsakhurdia phenomenon -- The interregnum -- pt. 2. State and society : 1995-2011. Democracy from below? -- The state -- The economy -- The myth of Georgian nationalism -- National security and foreign policy

"Georgia: Warlords, Generals, and Politicians" published on by Oxford University Press.

The socio-political processes developed in Georgia in the 90s of the twentieth century led to the political transformation of the country. The political changes that began during this period led to the ideological and value transformation of elite structures, including procedural changes in the mechanisms of elite circulation. All this was reflected in the country's domestic and foreign policy.In Georgian reality, the main part of the society is focused on a specific political figure, however, the elite groups united around this leader differ from each other in their values and ideological orientation. At the same time, all post-Soviet political leaders followed different paths of accumulating social and political capital, which became an important component of developing their individual political charisma.The article discusses the features of 4 political leaders of post-Soviet Georgia (Z. Gamsakhurdia, E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, B. Ivanishvili) and the political processes related to them. ; The socio-political processes developed in Georgia in the 90s of the twentieth century led to the political transformation of the country. The political changes that began during this period led to the ideological and value transformation of elite structures, including procedural changes in the mechanisms of elite circulation. All this was reflected in the country's domestic and foreign policy.In Georgian reality, the main part of the society is focused on a specific political figure, however, the elite groups united around this leader differ from each other in their values and ideological orientation. At the same time, all post-Soviet political leaders followed different paths of accumulating social and political capital, which became an important component of developing their individual political charisma.The article discusses the features of 4 political leaders of post-Soviet Georgia (Z. Gamsakhurdia, E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, B. Ivanishvili) and the political processes related to them.

Something amazing happened in Georgia's 1 October 2012 parliamentary elections. The government lost and it gave up power, aside from the now-weakened presidency that it will hold for another year. A new coalition known as Georgian Dream ran under the leadership of Georgia's richest man, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, and won 85 seats in the unicameral, 150-member Parliament. Georgia's post-Soviet background and circumstances make the 2012 opposition win and subsequent orderly handover of power truly remarkable. Indeed, among the "competitive authoritarian" regimes found in what used to be the USSR, it is nearly unheard of. Georgia is lucky to be getting a fourth chance at democracy, after the opportunities under Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–92), Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003), and Saakashvili faded. But this chance remains a fragile one.

Something amazing happened in Georgia's 1 October 2012 parliamentary elections. The government lost and it gave up power, aside from the now-weakened presidency that it will hold for another year. A new coalition known as Georgian Dream ran under the leadership of Georgia's richest man, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, and won 85 seats in the unicameral, 150-member Parliament. Georgia's post-Soviet background and circumstances make the 2012 opposition win and subsequent orderly handover of power truly remarkable. Indeed, among the "competitive authoritarian" regimes found in what used to be the USSR, it is nearly unheard of. Georgia is lucky to be getting a fourth chance at democracy, after the opportunities under Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–92), Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003), and Saakashvili faded. But this chance remains a fragile one.